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1.1 The Federal Government CR
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The Criminal Jusctice System CJS- all of the agencies, organizations, and personnel that are involved in prevention or, response to, crime including Persons charged with criminal offences Persons convicted of crimes Criminal jusctie professtionals Volunteers who work in the criminal jusctice system The CJS includes Crime prevention and crime reduction Arrest and prosecution of suspects Hearing of criminal cases by teh courts Sentencing and teh administration and enforcement of court orders Parole, forms of conditional release Supervision and assistance for ex-offenders released into the community Role and Responsibility of Government in the CJS Each level of government plays a role Division of responsibility, federal and provincial governments in the Constitution Act, 1867 The federal government decides which behaviours constitute criminal offences Provincial/territorial governments responsible for enforcing and administering the justice system Criminal Justice Administration Two competing perspectives on teh value systems underlying the administration of criminal jusctie 1. The Crime Control model: An orientation to criminal jusctise in which the protection of the community and the apprehensions of offenders are paramount. There are two competing perspectives on teh value system underlying the administration of criminal juscite 2. The due process model An orientation to criminal justice in which the legal rights of individual citizens, including crime suspects, are paramount An adversarial system of criminal justice Canadian criminal justice system is an adversarial system Defence lawyers/prosecutor present their cases before a neutral judge/jury The standard of proof is proof beyond a reasonable doubt Task Environments The task environment is the cultural, geographic and community setting in which the CJS operates, criminal justice personnel make decisions Media and Public Attitudes For most Canadians, news media stories primary source of information about CJS. Shows may oversimplify complex issues Tens to be biased toward sensational crime, simplify issues and public generalize from specific events Different Effects of the CJS Studies of the deterrent effect of criminal law suggest the law can serve as a deterrent only when certain conditions are present 1. Legal Sanctions (severe) applied if individuals engage in certain behaviours 2. Certainty of punishment 3. Sanction is applied swiftly when a crime is committed Restorative justice Restorative justice, alternative framework for responding to criminal offenders. Focus on Problem-solving Addressing the needs of victims and offenders Involving the community on a proactive basis and Fashioning sanctions that reduce the likelihood of reoffending There are a number of entry points in the criminal justice system where restorative justice approaches can be used Summary The criminal jusctie suystem (CJS) contains all of the agencies, organiztions, and personnel that are involved in teh prevention of, and response to crime There are 2 competing models of criminal justice administration: 1) due process and 2) crime control. The flow of cases through the justice system can be illustrated with a âfunnel,â reflecting the fact that there is significant attrition in cases through the criminal justice process The role of discretion, ethics and accountability are pervasive considerations within the CJS CJS personnel work in various task environments that affect teh challenges faced There is variation in the oversight and accountability of criminal justice personnel For most Canadians, teh media is the primary source of information about the CJS Restorative justice has a number of features that distinguish it from the adversarial system Considerations in the Study of Criminal Justice Inequilty in Canada A key feature of Can Society is inequity, particularly income inequity Top 1% earns 39.1% of income One million children live in low-income households Gender inequality in the workplace costs Canada $150 billion/year Women working full-time earn 74.2 cents for every dollar that full-time male workers make Racism, Prejudice and Discrimination Prejudice: unsubtitled, negative prejudgment of individuals/groups based on ethnicity, religion or race Discrimination: action/decision treats a person/group negatively Racism: prejudice, discrimination or antagonism based on belief that oneâs race is superior Racial Profiling: action that relies on stereotypes about race, colour, ethnicity, ancestry, religion, place of origin rather than on reasonable suspicion Racial Profiling Experiences of Women Women- UNiqu experiences within CJS Higher education than ever before Self-report violent victimization is higher among women (85% per 100,000 women versus 67% per 100,000 for men) Experiences of Indigenous Persons Disproportionately represented as both victims and offenders at all stages of the criminal justice system Violent victimization is more than double that of non-indigenous persons (160 vs. 74/1,000) 27% homicide victims in 2009 were indigenous The Legacy of Colonization Many indigenous people live on the margins of Canadian society Pervasive poverty High rates of unemployment Low levels of formal education High death rates (accidents/violence) Often much worse off than non-indigenous persons Residential school system operated by federal government -1880s-1990 150,000 Indigenous children sent to residential schools â60s schoopâ Intergenerational impact - residential schools - Truth and Reconciliation Commission Additional Considerations Escalating Costs of the CJS CJS expenditures have increased despite the overall decline in crime rates across the country Rise of the Surveillance Society Life in early 21st century- the pervasiveness of technology, surveillance technology Most citizens do not realize that every day their activities are recorded by video camera while shopping, when standing at a bus stop, even while driving Needs of Crime Victims Physically, Psychologically, emotionally, financially and social Victims can feel worse because of re-victimization Re-victimization: the negative impact on victims of crimes casued by the decisions and actions of criminal justice personnel Canadian Victims Bills of Rights, 2015. Summary Inequality, racism, prejudice and discriantion were intriduced as features of Canadian Society These are often manifested in racial profliing and the racialization of gropus and individuals Addtional consideration in the study of teh criminal juscitce system are The escalating costs of criminal jusicte The question as to whether the Canadian public is getting the âvalue of money,â The changing boundaries of criminal justice agencies as reflected in the development of multi agency partnerships Additional Consideration in the study of the criminal Justice system are The challenges posed by teh rise of teh surveillance society due to the pervasiveness of technology The challenges faced by crime victims Concerns for the health and wellness of offenders criminal justice professionals and The lack of diversity among criminaMeasuring the Effectiveness of police strategies and operations Clearance rates Def: The proportion of incidents known to the police that result in teh identification of a suspect Crime Displacement Def: relocation-due to the effective crime prevention, crime response initiates criminal activity from one local to another Professional Model of Policing Model of police work, reactive, incident driven and centred on random patrol Three Rs: random patrol, rapid response and reactive investigation Community policing Def: policing centred on police-community partnership and problem-solving The three ps: prevention, problem solving and partnership with the proactive role Community-based strategic policing Def: The model incorporates community policing with prevention, crime response and crime attack approaches Community engagement, police services strategic in their policies and operations Crime Analytics Sophisticated programs, and crime maps, provide intelligence to police officers in patrol and investigative units Intelligence-led policing: guided by collection, and analysis of information informs police decision-making Compstat: Increase effectiveness, and efficiency of police service while holding police personnel accountable for crime reduction Predictive policing: statistical analysis, identify time and location likely to occur Limited analytical capacity and not able to provide their officers with real-time information Biased policing certain areas, or persons, being identified as important for police attention in predictive policing How Predictive Policing Software Works The Police and the community Public Attitudes toward and Confidence in the police Community-based strategic policing: Recruitment, and deployment of volunteers in community police stations, storefronts Foot and bike patrols Team policing Restorative Justice Approaches Alternative for addressing, and resolving crime, needs of victims, offenders and the community Victim offender meditation Circle sentencing Community holistic healing programss Family group conferences Crime Prevention and Response Strategies Crime Prevention progemas Aimed at reducing crime, generating community involvement and heightening citizens; perceptions of safety Primary crime prevention programs opportunities for criminal offences and alter those conditions Secondary crime prevention programs focus on areas that produce crime and disorder Tertiary crime prevention programs are designed to prevent youth and adults from reoffending The Broken Windows Approach If minor crimes are left unaddressed in an environment, more serious crimes will emerge (originated in New York City in the 1980âs) âThe exictsnce of unchecked and uncontrolled mirror incivilites in a neighbourhood- for example, panhandling, public drunkenness, vandalism and graffiti-produces an atmosphere conducive to more serious crime.â R.H. Burke Zero tolerance policing Zero tolerance policing: Strict order maintenance approach- specific area, coupled with high police visibility and presence Quality of life policing: Increased police visibility improves conditions in an area by targeting disruptive and annoying behaviour Problem Oritented policing (POP) Strategy, the idea that police should address teh cause of recurrent crime and disorder Root causes of recurring problems Solutions to problems Collabortaion with community SARA (scanning, analysis, response and assessment) problem-solving model helps officers identify, and respond to problems with the assistance of agencies, organizations, community groups The Police and Vulnerable/ At risk groups Persons with Mental Illness Patrol officers encountering more and more persons with mental illness (PwMi) Number of these end trragically Number of incidents increased significantly following deinstitutionalization of the mentally ill - in 1960 and 1970 De facto (in fact) mental health workers, first responders Crisis intervention training (CIT) Assertive outreach teams Assertive community treatment (ACT) teams Indigenouse, Vulnerable, and Marginalized women Sexual assault one of most underreported crimed. 1 in 20 incidents report to police. Many Women Do not want to deal with police Believe police would not take allegation seriously Language, cultural barriers Distrust the police Fear repercussions Missing and Murdered Indigenous women Canada, unknown number of missing and murdered indigenous women 2016, federal government announced National inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigennouse women and girls Three goals of MMIWG 1. Finding the truth 2. Honouring the truth 3. Giving life to the truth as a path of healing âThereâs No Such Thing as Sound Scienceâ by By Christie Aschwanden was a lead science writer for FiveThirtyEight. FiveThirtyEight, Science, Dec. 6, 2017 Science is being turned against itself. For decades, its twin ideals of transparency and rigor have been weaponized by those who disagree with results produced by the scientific method. Under the Trump administration, that fight has ramped up again. In a move ostensibly meant to reduce conflicts of interest, Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Scott Pruitt has removed a number of scientists from advisory panels and replaced some of them with representatives from industries that the agency regulates. Like many in the Trump administration, Pruitt has also cast doubt on the reliability of climate science. For instance, in an interview with CNBC, Pruitt said that âmeasuring with precision human activity on the climate is something very challenging to do.â Similarly, Trumpâs pick to head NASA, an agency that oversees a large portion the nationâs climate research, has insisted that research into human influence on climate lacks certainty, and he falsely claimed that âglobal temperatures stopped rising 10 years ago.â Kathleen Hartnett White, Trumpâs nominee to head the White House Council on Environmental Quality, said in a Senate hearing last month that she thinks we âneed to have more precise explanations of the human role and the natural roleâ in climate change. The same entreaties crop up again and again: We need to root out conflicts. We need more precise evidence. What makes these arguments so powerful is that they sound quite similar to the points raised by proponents of a very different call for change thatâs coming from within science. This other movement strives to produce more robust, reproducible findings. Despite having dissimilar goals, the two forces espouse principles that look surprisingly alike: Science needs to be transparent. Results and methods should be openly shared so that outside researchers can independently reproduce and validate them. The methods used to collect and analyze data should be rigorous and clear, and conclusions must be supported by evidence. These are the arguments underlying an âopen scienceâ reform movement that was created, in part, as a response to a âreproducibility crisisâ that has struck some fields of science.1 But theyâre also used as talking points by politicians who are working to make it more difficult for the EPA and other federal agencies to use science in their regulatory decision-making, under the guise of basing policy on âsound science.â Scienceâs virtues are being wielded against it. What distinguishes the two calls for transparency is intent: Whereas the âopen scienceâ movement aims to make science more reliable, reproducible and robust, proponents of âsound scienceâ have historically worked to amplify uncertainty, create doubt and undermine scientific discoveries that threaten their interests. âOur criticisms are founded in a confidence in science,â said Steven Goodman, co-director of the Meta-Research Innovation Center at Stanford and a proponent of open science. âThatâs a fundamental difference â weâre critiquing science to make it better. Others are critiquing it to devalue the approach itself.â Calls to base public policy on âsound scienceâ seem unassailable if you donât know the termâs history. The phrase was adopted by the tobacco industry in the 1990s to counteract mounting evidence linking secondhand smoke to cancer. A 1992 Environmental Protection Agency report identified secondhand smoke as a human carcinogen, and Philip Morris responded by launching an initiative to promote what it called âsound science.â In an internal memo, Philip Morris vice president of corporate affairs Ellen Merlo wrote that the program was designed to âdiscredit the EPA report,â âprevent states and cities, as well as businesses from passing smoking bansâ and âproactivelyâ pass legislation to help their cause. The sound science tactic exploits a fundamental feature of the scientific process: Science does not produce absolute certainty. Contrary to how itâs sometimes represented to the public, science is not a magic wand that turns everything it touches to truth. Instead, itâs a process of uncertainty reduction, much like a game of 20 Questions. Any given study can rarely answer more than one question at a time, and each study usually raises a bunch of new questions in the process of answering old ones. âScience is a process rather than an answer,â said psychologist Alison Ledgerwood of the University of California, Davis. Every answer is provisional and subject to change in the face of new evidence. Itâs not entirely correct to say that âthis study proves this fact,â Ledgerwood said. âWe should be talking instead about how science increases or decreases our confidence in something.â The tobacco industryâs brilliant tactic was to turn this baked-in uncertainty against the scientific enterprise itself. While insisting that they merely wanted to ensure that public policy was based on sound science, tobacco companies defined the term in a way that ensured that no science could ever be sound enough. The only sound science was certain science, which is an impossible standard to achieve. âDoubt is our product,â wrote one employee of the Brown & Williamson tobacco company in a 1969 internal memo. The note went on to say that doubt âis the best means of competing with the âbody of factââ and âestablishing a controversy.â These strategies for undermining inconvenient science were so effective that theyâve served as a sort of playbook for industry interests ever since, said Stanford University science historian Robert Proctor. The sound science push is no longer just Philip Morris sowing doubt about the links between cigarettes and cancer. Itâs also a 1998 action plan by the American Petroleum Institute, Chevron and Exxon Mobil to âinstall uncertaintyâ about the link between greenhouse gas emissions and climate change. Itâs industry-funded groupsâ late-1990s effort to question the science the EPA was using to set fine-particle-pollution air-quality standards that the industry didnât want. And then there was the more recent effort by Dow Chemical to insist on more scientific certainty before banning a pesticide that the EPAâs scientists had deemed risky to children. Now comes a move by the Trump administrationâs EPA to repeal a 2015 rule on wetlands protection by disregarding particular studies. (To name just a few examples.) Doubt merchants arenât pushing for knowledge, theyâre practicing what Proctor has dubbed âagnogenesisâ â the intentional manufacture of ignorance. This ignorance isnât simply the absence of knowing something; itâs a lack of comprehension deliberately created by agents who donât want you to know, Proctor said.2 In the hands of doubt-makers, transparency becomes a rhetorical move. âItâs really difficult as a scientist or policy maker to make a stand against transparency and openness, because well, who would be against it?â said Karen Levy, researcher on information science at Cornell University. But at the same time, âyou can couch everything in the language of transparency and it becomes a powerful weapon.â For instance, when the EPA was preparing to set new limits on particulate pollution in the 1990s, industry groups pushed back against the research and demanded access to primary data (including records that researchers had promised participants would remain confidential) and a reanalysis of the evidence. Their calls succeeded and a new analysis was performed. The reanalysis essentially confirmed the original conclusions, but the process of conducting it delayed the implementation of regulations and cost researchers time and money. Delay is a time-tested strategy. âGridlock is the greatest friend a global warming skeptic has,â said Marc Morano, a prominent critic of global warming research and the executive director of ClimateDepot.com, in the documentary âMerchants of Doubtâ (based on the book by the same name). Moranoâs site is a project of the Committee for a Constructive Tomorrow, which has received funding from the oil and gas industry. âWeâre the negative force. Weâre just trying to stop stuff.â Some of these ploys are getting a fresh boost from Congress. The Data Quality Act (also known as the Information Quality Act) was reportedly written by an industry lobbyist and quietly passed as part of an appropriations bill in 2000. The rule mandates that federal agencies ensure the âquality, objectivity, utility, and integrity of informationâ that they disseminate, though it does little to define what these terms mean. The law also provides a mechanism for citizens and groups to challenge information that they deem inaccurate, including science that they disagree with. âIt was passed in this very quiet way with no explicit debate about it â that should tell you a lot about the real goals,â Levy said. But whatâs most telling about the Data Quality Act is how itâs been used, Levy said. A 2004 Washington Post analysis found that in the 20 months following its implementation, the act was repeatedly used by industry groups to push back against proposed regulations and bog down the decision-making process. Instead of deploying transparency as a fundamental principle that applies to all science, these interests have used transparency as a weapon to attack very particular findings that they would like to eradicate. Now Congress is considering another way to legislate how science is used. The Honest Act, a bill sponsored by Rep. Lamar Smith of Texas,3 is another example of what Levy calls a âTrojan horseâ law that uses the language of transparency as a cover to achieve other political goals. Smithâs legislation would severely limit the kind of evidence the EPA could use for decision-making. Only studies whose raw data and computer codes were publicly available would be allowed for consideration. That might sound perfectly reasonable, and in many cases it is, Goodman said. But sometimes there are good reasons why researchers canât conform to these rules, like when the data contains confidential or sensitive medical information.4 Critics, which include more than a dozen scientific organizations, argue that, in practice, the rules would prevent many studies from being considered in EPA reviews.5 It might seem like an easy task to sort good science from bad, but in reality itâs not so simple. âThereâs a misplaced idea that we can definitively distinguish the good from the not-good science, but itâs all a matter of degree,â said Brian Nosek, executive director of the Center for Open Science. âThere is no perfect study.â Requiring regulators to wait until they have (nonexistent) perfect evidence is essentially âa way of saying, âWe donât want to use evidence for our decision-making,ââ Nosek said. Most scientific controversies arenât about science at all, and once the sides are drawn, more data is unlikely to bring opponents into agreement. Michael Carolan, who researches the sociology of technology and scientific knowledge at Colorado State University, wrote in a 2008 paper about why objective knowledge is not enough to resolve environmental controversies. âWhile these controversies may appear on the surface to rest on disputed questions of fact, beneath often reside differing positions of value; values that can give shape to differing understandings of what âthe factsâ are.â Whatâs needed in these cases isnât more or better science, but mechanisms to bring those hidden values to the forefront of the discussion so that they can be debated transparently. âAs long as we continue down this unabashedly naive road about what science is, and what it is capable of doing, we will continue to fail to reach any sort of meaningful consensus on these matters,â Carolan writes. The dispute over tobacco was never about the science of cigarettesâ link to cancer. It was about whether companies have the right to sell dangerous products and, if so, what obligations they have to the consumers who purchased them. Similarly, the debate over climate change isnât about whether our planet is heating, but about how much responsibility each country and person bears for stopping it. While researching her book âMerchants of Doubt,â science historian Naomi Oreskes found that some of the same people who were defending the tobacco industry as scientific experts were also receiving industry money to deny the role of human activity in global warming. What these issues had in common, she realized, was that they all involved the need for government action. âNone of this is about the science. All of this is a political debate about the role of government,â she said in the documentary. These controversies are really about values, not scientific facts, and acknowledging that would allow us to have more truthful and productive debates. What would that look like in practice? Instead of cherry-picking evidence to support a particular view (and insisting that the science points to a desired action), the various sides could lay out the values they are using to assess the evidence. For instance, in Europe, many decisions are guided by the precautionary principle â a system that values caution in the face of uncertainty and says that when the risks are unclear, it should be up to industries to show that their products and processes are not harmful, rather than requiring the government to prove that they are harmful before they can be regulated. By contrast, U.S. agencies tend to wait for strong evidence of harm before issuing regulations. Both approaches have critics, but the difference between them comes down to priorities: Is it better to exercise caution at the risk of burdening companies and perhaps the economy, or is it more important to avoid potential economic downsides even if it means that sometimes a harmful product or industrial process goes unregulated? In other words, under what circumstances do we agree to act on a risk? How certain do we need to be that the risk is real, and how many people would need to be at risk, and how costly is it to reduce that risk? Those are moral questions, not scientific ones, and openly discussing and identifying these kinds of judgment calls would lead to a more honest debate. Science matters, and we need to do it as rigorously as possible. But science canât tell us how risky is too risky to allow products like cigarettes or potentially harmful pesticides to be sold â those are value judgements that only humans can make.A bank is a financial institution or organization where we save, borrow money and other valuable items such as Jewelry and documents. Banking is the business of operating a bank. THE FOLLOWING ARE THE THREE MAJOR TYPES OF BANKS IN NIGERIA. THESE ARE: 1. The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN): This bank is fully owned by the Federal Government. It is also known as bankerâs bank or the apex bank(the highest bank)because its controls and supervises the other banks. It controls the minting (printing) of money. 2. Commercial banks: They are either owned by private individuals or jointly owned by government and private businessmen and women. It helps people to save money and also give loans to customers to start up business. The three main accounts that commercial banks operate are (1) Savings account (ii) Current account (iii) Fixed deposit account. 3. Merchant banks: These are banks that mainly give out loans to banks and to people who wish to build big companies or engage in large scale business. They receive interest on such loan. They also accept deposits (money) from people who wish to save for a long period of time. This is called a fixed deposit. EXAMPLES OF SOME COMMERCIAL BANKS ARE AS FOLLOWS: 1. First Bank of Nigeria PLC. 2. Union Bank 3. United Bank for Africa 4. Access Bank 5. Zenith Bank 6. Stanbic IBTC Bank 7. Diamond Bank. The following are the uses of banks: 1. To help us keep our money safe. 2. It makes it easy and safe for people to make payments to the people. 3. Banks help people to send or transfer their money from one area to another, e.g Western Union Money Transfer. 4. They give loans to people.T1 - Intro to the Federal Government (13.1)1. List the 3 functions of money? 2. List 4 characteristics of money? 3. Why did the United States in 1934 abandon the Gold Standard? 4. What is the standard that the US government embraces today as the way we supply money to US citizens? 5. Describe the main difference between the Federal Reserve system and the National Banking system? 6. What does the FDIC do to your money?11.2 - T1 - Intro to the Federal Government