5-1 In-Class Independent Practice

MYTH The British helped the Jews displace the native Arab population of Palestine. FACT Herbert Samuel, a British Jew who served as the first High Commissioner of Palestine, placed restrictions on Jewish immigration “in the ‘interests of the present population’ and the ‘absorptive capacity’ of the country.”1 The influx of Jewish settlers was said to force the Arab fellahin (native peasants) from their land. This was when less than a million people lived in an area that now supports more than nine million. The British limited the absorptive capacity of Palestine when, in 1921, Colonial Secretary Winston Churchill severed nearly four-fifths of Palestine—some thirty-five thousand square miles—to create a new Arab entity, Transjordan. As a consolation prize for the Hejaz and Arabia (which are both now Saudi Arabia) going to the Saud family, Churchill rewarded Sharif Hussein’s son Abdullah for his contribution to the war against Turkey by installing him as Transjordan’s emir. The British went further and placed restrictions on Jewish land purchases in what remained of Palestine. By 1949, the British had allotted 87,500 acres of the 187,500 acres of cultivable land to Arabs and only 4,250 acres to Jews. This contradicted Article 6 of the Mandate which stated that “the Administration of Palestine…shall encourage, in cooperation with the Jewish Agency…close settlement by Jews on the land, including State lands and waste lands not acquired for public purposes.”2 Ultimately, the British admitted that the argument about the country’s absorptive capacity was specious. The Peel Commission said, “The heavy immigration in the years 1933–36 would seem to show that the Jews have been able to enlarge the absorptive capacity of the country for Jews.”3 MYTH The British allowed Jews to flood Palestine while Arab immigration was tightly controlled. FACT The British response to Jewish immigration set a precedent of appeasing the Arabs, which was followed for the duration of the Mandate. The British restricted Jewish immigration while allowing Arabs to enter the country freely. Apparently, London did not feel that a flood of Arab immigrants would affect the country’s “absorptive capacity.” During World War I, the Jewish population in Palestine declined because of the war, famine, disease, and expulsion by the Turks. In 1915, approximately 83,000 Jews lived in Palestine among 590,000 Muslim and Christian Arabs. According to the 1922 census, the Jewish population was 83,000, while the Arabs numbered 643,000.4 Thus, the Arab population grew exponentially while that of the Jews stagnated. In the mid-1920s, Jewish immigration to Palestine increased primarily because of anti-Jewish economic legislation in Poland and Washington’s imposition of restrictive quotas.5 The record number of immigrants in 1935 (see table) was a response to the growing persecution of Jews in Nazi Germany. The British administration considered this number too large, however, so the Jewish Agency was informed that less than one-third of the quota it asked for would be approved in 1936.6 The British gave in further to Arab demands by announcing in the 1939 White Paper that an independent Arab state would be created within ten years and that Jewish immigration was to be limited to 75,000 for the next five years, after which it was to cease altogether. It also forbade land sales to Jews in 95% of the territory of Palestine. The Arabs, nevertheless, rejected the proposal. Jewish Immigration to Palestine7 1919 1,806 1931 4,075 1920 8,223 1932 12,533 1921 8,294 1933 37,337 1922 8,685 1934 45,267 1923 8,175 1935 66,472 1924 13,892 1936 29,595 1925 34,386 1937 10,629 1926 13,855 1938 14,675 1927 3,034 1939 31,195 1928 2,178 1940 10,643 1929 5,249 1941 4,592 1930 4,944 By contrast, throughout the Mandatory period, Arab immigration was unrestricted. In 1930, the Hope Simpson Commission, sent from London to investigate the 1929 Arab riots, said the British practice of ignoring the uncontrolled illegal Arab immigration from Egypt, Transjordan, and Syria had the effect of displacing the prospective Jewish immigrants.8 The British governor of the Sinai from 1922 to 1936 observed, “This illegal immigration was not only going on from the Sinai, but also from Transjordan and Syria, and it is very difficult to make a case out for the misery of the Arabs if at the same time their compatriots from adjoining states could not be kept from going in to share that misery.”9 The Peel Commission reported in 1937 that the “shortfall of land is…due less to the amount of land acquired by Jews than to the increase in the Arab population.”10 MYTH The British changed their policy to allow Holocaust survivors to settle in Palestine. FACT The gates of Palestine remained closed for the duration of the war, stranding hundreds of thousands of Jews in Europe, many of whom became victims of Hitler’s “Final Solution.” After the war, the British refused to allow the survivors of the Nazi nightmare to find sanctuary in Palestine. On June 6, 1946, President Truman urged the British government to relieve the suffering of the Jews confined to displaced persons camps in Europe by immediately accepting 100,000 Jewish immigrants. Britain’s foreign minister Ernest Bevin replied sarcastically that the United States wanted displaced Jews to immigrate to Palestine “because they did not want too many of them in New York.”11 Some Jews reached Palestine, many smuggled in on dilapidated ships organized by the Haganah. Between August 1945 and the establishment of the State of Israel in May 1948, sixty-five “illegal” immigrant ships, carrying 69,878 people, arrived from European shores. In August 1946, however, the British began to intern those they caught in camps on Cyprus. Approximately 50,000 people were detained in the camps, and 28,000 remained imprisoned when Israel declared independence.12 MYTH As the Jewish population grew, the plight of the Palestinian Arabs worsened. FACT In July 1921, Hasan Shukri, the mayor of Haifa and president of the Muslim National Associations, sent a telegram to the British government in reaction to a delegation of Palestinians that went to London to try to stop the implementation of the Balfour Declaration. Shukri wrote: We are certain that without Jewish immigration and financial assistance there will be no future development of our country as may be judged from the fact that the towns inhabited in part by Jews such as Jerusalem, Jaffa, Haifa, and Tiberias are making steady progress while Nablus, Acre, and Nazareth where no Jews reside are steadily declining.13 The Jewish population increased by 470,000 between World War I and World War II, while the non-Jewish population rose by 588,000.14 The permanent Arab population increased by 120% between 1922 and 1947.15 This rapid growth of the Arab population was a result of several factors. One was immigration from neighboring states—constituting 37% of the total immigration to pre-state Israel—by Arabs who wanted to take advantage of the higher standard of living the Jews had made possible.16 The Arab population also grew because of the improved living conditions created by the Jews as they drained malarial swamps and brought improved sanitation and health care to the region. Thus, for example, the Muslim infant mortality rate fell from 201 per thousand in 1925 to 94 per thousand in 1945, and life expectancy rose from 37 years in 1926 to 49 in 1943.17 The Arab population increased the most in cities where large Jewish populations had created new economic opportunities. From 1922–1947, the non-Jewish population increased by 290% in Haifa, 131% in Jerusalem, and 158% in Jaffa. The growth in Arab towns was more modest: 42% in Nablus, 78% in Jenin, and 37% in Bethlehem.18 MYTH Jews stole Arab land. FACT Despite the growth in their population, the Arabs continued to assert they were being displaced. From the beginning of World War I, however, part of Palestine’s land was owned by absentee landlords who lived in Cairo, Damascus, and Beirut. About 80% of the Palestinian Arabs were debt-ridden peasants, semi-nomads, and Bedouins.19 Jews went out of their way to avoid purchasing land in areas where Arabs might be displaced. They sought land that was largely uncultivated, swampy, cheap, and—most important—without tenants. In 1920, Labor Zionist leader David Ben-Gurion expressed his concern about the Arab fellahin, whom he viewed as “the most important asset of the native population.” He insisted that “under no circumstances must we touch land belonging to fellahs or worked by them.” Instead, he advocated helping liberate them from their oppressors. “Only if a fellah leaves his place of settlement,” Ben-Gurion added, “should we offer to buy his land, at an appropriate price.”20 Jews only began to purchase cultivated land after buying all the uncultivated territory. Many Arabs were willing to sell because of the migration to coastal towns and because they needed money to invest in the citrus industry.21 When John Hope Simpson arrived in Palestine in May 1930, he observed, “They [the Jews] paid high prices for the land and, in addition, they paid to certain of the occupants of those lands a considerable amount of money which they were not legally bound to pay.”22 In 1931, Lewis French conducted a survey of landlessness for the British government and offered new plots to any Arabs who had been “dispossessed.” British officials received more than 3,000 applications, of which 80% were ruled invalid by the government’s legal adviser because the applicants were not landless Arabs. This left only about 600 landless Arabs, 100 of whom accepted the government land offer.23 In April 1936, a new outbreak of Arab attacks on Jews was instigated by local Palestinian leaders who were later joined by Arab volunteers led by a Syrian guerrilla named Fawzi al-Qawuqji, the commander of the Arab Liberation Army. By November, when the British finally sent a new commission headed by Lord Peel to investigate, 89 Jews had been killed and more than 300 wounded.24 The Peel Commission’s report found that Arab complaints about Jewish land acquisition were baseless. It pointed out that “much of the land now carrying orange groves was sand dunes or swamp and uncultivated when it was purchased…There was at the time of the earlier sales little evidence that the owners possessed either the resources or training needed to develop the land.”25 Moreover, the Commission found the shortage was “due less to the amount of land acquired by Jews than to the increase in the Arab population.” The report concluded that the presence of Jews in Palestine, along with the work of the British administration, had resulted in higher wages, an improved standard of living, and ample employment opportunities.26 It is made quite clear to all, both by the map drawn up by the Simpson Commission and by another compiled by the Peel Commission, that the Arabs are as prodigal in selling their land as they are in useless wailing and weeping (emphasis in the original). —Transjordan’s king Abdullah27 Even at the height of the Arab revolt in 1938 (which began in April 1936 with the murder of two Jews by Arabs and the subsequent murder of two Arab workers by members of the Jewish underground28), the British high commissioner to Palestine believed the Arab landowners were complaining about sales to Jews to drive up prices for lands they wished to sell. Many Arab landowners had been so terrorized by Arab rebels they decided to leave Palestine and sell their property to the Jews.29 The Jews paid exorbitant prices to wealthy landowners for small tracts of arid land. “In 1944, Jews paid between $1,000 and $1,100 per acre in Palestine, mostly for arid or semiarid land; in the same year, rich black soil in Iowa was selling for about $110 per acre.”30 By 1947, Jewish holdings in Palestine amounted to about 463,000 acres. Approximately 45,000 were acquired from the mandatory government, 30,000 were bought from various churches, and 387,500 were purchased from Arabs. Analyses of land purchases from 1880 to 1948 show that 73% of Jewish plots were purchased from large landowners, not poor fellahin.31 Many leaders of the Arab nationalist movement, including members of the Muslim Supreme Council, and the mayors of Gaza, Jerusalem, and s sold land to the Jews. As’ad el-Shuqeiri, a Muslim religious scholar and father of Palestine Liberation Organization chairman Ahmed Shuqeiri, took Jewish money for his land. Even King Abdullah leased land to the Jews.32 MYTH The British helped the Palestinians to live peacefully with the Jews. FACT In 1921, Haj Amin el-Husseini first began to organize fedayeen (“one who sacrifices himself”) to terrorize Jews. El-Husseini hoped to duplicate the success of Kemal Atatürk in Turkey by driving the Jews out of Palestine just as Kemal had driven the invading Greeks from his country.33 Arab radicals gained influence because the British administration was unwilling to take effective action against them until they began a revolt against British rule. Colonel Richard Meinertzhagen, former head of British military intelligence in Cairo, and later chief political officer for Palestine and Syria, wrote in his diary that British officials “incline towards the exclusion of Zionism in Palestine.” The British encouraged the Palestinians to attack the Jews. According to Meinertzhagen, Col. Bertie Harry Waters-Taylor (financial adviser to the military administration in Palestine 1919–23) met with el-Husseini in 1920, a few days before Easter, and told him that “he had a great opportunity at Easter to show the world…that Zionism was unpopular not only with the Palestine administration but in Whitehall.” He added that “if disturbances of sufficient violence occurred in Jerusalem at Easter, both General [Louis] Bols [chief administrator in Palestine, 1919–20] and General [Edmund] Allenby [commander of the Egyptian force, 1917–19, then high commissioner of Egypt] would advocate the abandonment of the Jewish Home. Waters-Taylor explained that freedom could only be attained through violence.”34 El-Husseini took the colonel’s advice and instigated a riot. The British withdrew their troops and the Jewish police from Jerusalem, allowing the Arab mob to attack Jews and loot their shops. Because of el-Husseini’s overt role in instigating the pogrom, the British decided to arrest him. He escaped, however, and was sentenced to ten years in absentia. A year later, some British Arabists convinced High Commissioner Herbert Samuel to pardon el-Husseini and to appoint him Mufti (a cleric in charge of Jerusalem’s Islamic holy places). By contrast, Vladimir Jabotinsky and several followers, who had formed a Jewish defense organization during the unrest, were sentenced to 15 years. They were released a few months later.35 Samuel met with el-Husseini on April 11, 1921, and was assured “that the influences of his family and himself would be devoted to tranquility.” Three weeks later, riots in Jaffa and elsewhere left forty-three Jews dead.36 El-Husseini consolidated his power and took control of all Muslim religious funds in Palestine. He used his authority to gain control over the mosques, the schools, and the courts. No Arab could reach an influential position without being loyal to the Mufti. His power was so absolute that “no Muslim in Palestine could be born or die without being beholden to Haj Amin.”37 The Mufti’s henchmen also ensured he would have no opposition by systematically killing Palestinians who discussed cooperation with the Jews from rival clans. As the spokesman for Palestinian Arabs, el-Husseini did not ask that Britain grant them independence. On the contrary, in a letter to Churchill in 1921, he demanded that Palestine be reunited with Syria and Transjordan.38 The Arabs found rioting an effective political tool because of the lax British response toward violence against Jews. In handling each riot, the British prevented Jews from protecting themselves but made little effort to prevent the Arabs from attacking them. After each outbreak, a British commission of inquiry would try to establish the cause of the violence. The conclusion was always the same: The Arabs feared being displaced by the Jews. To stop the rioting, the commissions would recommend that restrictions be placed on Jewish immigration. Thus, the Arabs learned they could always stop the influx of Jews by staging riots. This cycle began after a series of riots in May 1921. After failing to protect the Jewish community from Arab mobs, the British appointed the Haycraft Commission to investigate the cause of the violence. Although the panel concluded the Arabs had been the aggressors, it rationalized the cause of the attack: “The fundamental cause of the riots was a feeling among the Arabs of discontent with, and hostility to, the Jews, due to political and economic causes, and connected with Jewish immigration, and with their conception of Zionist policy.”39 One consequence of the violence was the institution of a temporary ban on Jewish immigration. The Arab fear of being “displaced” or “dominated” was an excuse for their attacks on Jewish settlers. Note, too, that these riots were not inspired by nationalistic fervor—nationalists would have rebelled against their British overlords—they were motivated by economics, the radical Islamic views of the Mufti, and misunderstanding. In 1929, Arab provocateurs convinced the masses that the Jews had designs on the Temple Mount (a tactic still used today to incite violence). A Jewish religious observance at the Western Wall, which forms a part of the Temple Mount, served as a pretext for rioting by Arabs against Jews, which spilled out of Jerusalem into other villages and towns, including Safed and Hebron. Again, the British administration made no effort to prevent the violence, and, after it began, the British did nothing to protect the Jewish population. After six days of mayhem, the British finally brought troops in to quell the disturbance. By this time, most of Hebron’s Jews had fled or been killed. In all, 133 Jews were killed and 399 wounded in the pogroms.40 After the riots, the British ordered an investigation, resulting in the Passfield White Paper. It said the “immigration, land purchase and settlement policies of the Zionist Organization were already or were likely to become, prejudicial to Arab interests. It understood the mandatory government’s obligation to the non-Jewish community to mean that Palestine’s resources must be primarily reserved for the growing Arab economy.”41 This meant it was necessary to restrict Jewish immigration and land purchases. MYTH The Mufti was not a Nazi collaborator. FACT In 1941, Haj Amin al-Husseini, the Mufti of Jerusalem, fled to Germany and met with Adolf Hitler, Heinrich Himmler, Joachim Von Ribbentrop, and other Nazi leaders. He wanted to persuade them to extend the Nazis’ anti-Jewish program to the Arab world. The Mufti sent Hitler fifteen drafts of declarations he wanted Germany and Italy to make concerning the Middle East. One called on the two countries to declare the illegality of the Jewish home in Palestine. He also asked the Axis powers to “accord to Palestine and to other Arab countries the right to solve the problem of the Jewish elements in Palestine and other Arab countries in accordance with the interest of the Arabs, and by the same method that the question is now being settled in the Axis countries.”42 In November 1941, the Mufti met with Hitler, who told him the Jews were his foremost enemy. The Nazi dictator rebuffed the Mufti’s requests for a declaration in support of the Arabs, however, telling him the time was not right. The Mufti offered Hitler his “thanks for the sympathy which he had always shown for the Arab and especially Palestinian cause, and to which he had given clear expression in his public speeches.” He added, “The Arabs were Germany’s natural friends because they had the same enemies as had Germany, namely…the Jews.” Hitler told the Mufti he opposed the creation of a Jewish state and that Germany’s objective was destroying the Jewish element in the Arab sphere.43 In 1945, Yugoslavia sought to indict the Mufti as a war criminal for his role in recruiting twenty thousand Muslim volunteers for the SS, who participated in the killing of Jews in Croatia and Hungary. He escaped French detention in 1946, however, and continued his fight against the Jews from Cairo and later Beirut where he died in 1974. MYTH The bombing of the King David Hotel was part of a deliberate terror campaign against civilians. FACT British troops seized the Jewish Agency compound on June 29, 1946, and confiscated large quantities of documents. At about the same time, more than 2,500 Jews from all over Palestine were arrested. A week later, news of a massacre of 40 Jews in a pogrom in Poland reminded the Jews of Palestine how Britain’s restrictive immigration policy had condemned thousands to death. In response to the British provocations, and a desire to demonstrate that the Jews’ spirit could not be broken, the United Resistance Movement planned to bomb the King David Hotel, which housed the British military command and the Criminal Investigation Division in addition to hotel guests. The Haganah pulled out of the plot and left it up to the Irgun. Irgun leader Menachem Begin stressed his desire to avoid civilian casualties and the plan was to warn the British so they would evacuate the building before it was blown up. Three telephone calls were placed on July 22, 1946, one to the hotel, another to the French Consulate, and a third to the Palestine Post warning that explosives in the King David Hotel would soon be detonated. The call to the hotel was received and ignored. Begin quotes one British official who supposedly refused to evacuate the building, saying, “We don’t take orders from the Jews.”44 As a result, when the bombs exploded, the casualty toll was high: 91 killed and 45 injured. Among the casualties were 15 Jews. Few people in the main part of the hotel were injured.45 For decades, the British denied they had been warned. In 1979, however, a member of the British Parliament provided the testimony of a British officer who heard other officers in the King David Hotel bar joking about a Zionist threat to the headquarters. The officer who overheard the conversation immediately left the hotel and survived.46 In contrast to Arab attacks against Jews, which Arab leaders hailed as heroic actions, the Jewish National Council denounced the bombing of the King David.47 1 Aharon Cohen, Israel and the Arab World, (NY: Funk and Wagnalls, 1970), p. 172

Fed. 51: To the People of the State of New York: TO WHAT expedient, then, shall we finally resort, for maintaining in practice the necessary partition of power among the several departments, as laid down in the Constitution? The only answer that can be given is, that as all these exterior provisions are found to be inadequate, the defect must be supplied, by so contriving the interior structure of the government as that its several constituent parts may, by their mutual relations, be the means of keeping each other in their proper places. Without presuming to undertake a full development of this important idea, I will hazard a few general observations, which may perhaps place it in a clearer light, and enable us to form a more correct judgment of the principles and structure of the government planned by the convention. In order to lay a due foundation for that separate and distinct exercise of the different powers of government, which to a certain extent is admitted on all hands to be essential to the preservation of liberty, it is evident that each department should have a will of its own; and consequently should be so constituted that the members of each should have as little agency as possible in the appointment of the members of the others. Were this principle rigorously adhered to, it would require that all the appointments for the supreme executive, legislative, and judiciary magistracies should be drawn from the same fountain of authority, the people, through channels having no communication whatever with one another. Perhaps such a plan of constructing the several departments would be less difficult in practice than it may in contemplation appear. Some difficulties, however, and some additional expense would attend the execution of it. Some deviations, therefore, from the principle must be admitted. In the constitution of the judiciary department in particular, it might be inexpedient to insist rigorously on the principle: first, because peculiar qualifications being essential in the members, the primary consideration ought to be to select that mode of choice which best secures these qualifications; secondly, because the permanent tenure by which the appointments are held in that department, must soon destroy all sense of dependence on the authority conferring them. It is equally evident, that the members of each department should be as little dependent as possible on those of the others, for the emoluments annexed to their offices. Were the executive magistrate, or the judges, not independent of the legislature in this particular, their independence in every other would be merely nominal. But the great security against a gradual concentration of the several powers in the same department, consists in giving to those who administer each department the necessary constitutional means and personal motives to resist encroachments of the others. The provision for defense must in this, as in all other cases, be made commensurate to the danger of attack. Ambition must be made to counteract ambition. The interest of the man must be connected with the constitutional rights of the place. It may be a reflection on human nature, that such devices should be necessary to control the abuses of government. But what is government itself, but the greatest of all reflections on human nature? If men were angels, no government would be necessary. If angels were to govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary. In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: you must first enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place oblige it to control itself. A dependence on the people is, no doubt, the primary control on the government; but experience has taught mankind the necessity of auxiliary precautions. This policy of supplying, by opposite and rival interests, the defect of better motives, might be traced through the whole system of human affairs, private as well as public. We see it particularly displayed in all the subordinate distributions of power, where the constant aim is to divide and arrange the several offices in such a manner as that each may be a check on the other that the private interest of every individual may be a sentinel over the public rights. These inventions of prudence cannot be less requisite in the distribution of the supreme powers of the State. But it is not possible to give to each department an equal power of self-defense. In republican government, the legislative authority necessarily predominates. The remedy for this inconveniency is to divide the legislature into different branches; and to render them, by different modes of election and different principles of action, as little connected with each other as the nature of their common functions and their common dependence on the society will admit. It may even be necessary to guard against dangerous encroachments by still further precautions. As the weight of the legislative authority requires that it should be thus divided, the weakness of the executive may require, on the other hand, that it should be fortified. An absolute negative on the legislature appears, at first view, to be the natural defense with which the executive magistrate should be armed. But perhaps it would be neither altogether safe nor alone sufficient. On ordinary occasions it might not be exerted with the requisite firmness, and on extraordinary occasions it might be perfidiously abused. May not this defect of an absolute negative be supplied by some qualified connection between this weaker department and the weaker branch of the stronger department, by which the latter may be led to support the constitutional rights of the former, without being too much detached from the rights of its own department? If the principles on which these observations are founded be just, as I persuade myself they are, and they be applied as a criterion to the several State constitutions, and to the federal Constitution it will be found that if the latter does not perfectly correspond with them, the former are infinitely less able to bear such a test. There are, moreover, two considerations particularly applicable to the federal system of America, which place that system in a very interesting point of view. First. In a single republic, all the power surrendered by the people is submitted to the administration of a single government; and the usurpations are guarded against by a division of the government into distinct and separate departments. In the compound republic of America, the power surrendered by the people is first divided between two distinct governments, and then the portion allotted to each subdivided among distinct and separate departments. Hence a double security arises to the rights of the people. The different governments will control each other, at the same time that each will be controlled by itself. Second. It is of great importance in a republic not only to guard the society against the oppression of its rulers, but to guard one part of the society against the injustice of the other part. Different interests necessarily exist in different classes of citizens. If a majority be united by a common interest, the rights of the minority will be insecure. There are but two methods of providing against this evil: the one by creating a will in the community independent of the majority that is, of the society itself; the other, by comprehending in the society so many separate descriptions of citizens as will render an unjust combination of a majority of the whole very improbable, if not impracticable. The first method prevails in all governments possessing an hereditary or self-appointed authority. This, at best, is but a precarious security; because a power independent of the society may as well espouse the unjust views of the major, as the rightful interests of the minor party, and may possibly be turned against both parties. The second method will be exemplified in the federal republic of the United States. Whilst all authority in it will be derived from and dependent on the society, the society itself will be broken into so many parts, interests, and classes of citizens, that the rights of individuals, or of the minority, will be in little danger from interested combinations of the majority. In a free government the security for civil rights must be the same as that for religious rights. It consists in the one case in the multiplicity of interests, and in the other in the multiplicity of sects. The degree of security in both cases will depend on the number of interests and sects; and this may be presumed to depend on the extent of country and number of people comprehended under the same government. This view of the subject must particularly recommend a proper federal system to all the sincere and considerate friends of republican government, since it shows that in exact proportion as the territory of the Union may be formed into more circumscribed Confederacies, or States oppressive combinations of a majority will be facilitated: the best security, under the republican forms, for the rights of every class of citizens, will be diminished: and consequently the stability and independence of some member of the government, the only other security, must be proportionately increased. Justice is the end of government. It is the end of civil society. It ever has been and ever will be pursued until it be obtained, or until liberty be lost in the pursuit. In a society under the forms of which the stronger faction can readily unite and oppress the weaker, anarchy may as truly be said to reign as in a state of nature, where the weaker individual is not secured against the violence of the stronger; and as, in the latter state, even the stronger individuals are prompted, by the uncertainty of their condition, to submit to a government which may protect the weak as well as themselves; so, in the former state, will the more powerful factions or parties be gradnally induced, by a like motive, to wish for a government which will protect all parties, the weaker as well as the more powerful. It can be little doubted that if the State of Rhode Island was separated from the Confederacy and left to itself, the insecurity of rights under the popular form of government within such narrow limits would be displayed by such reiterated oppressions of factious majorities that some power altogether independent of the people would soon be called for by the voice of the very factions whose misrule had proved the necessity of it. In the extended republic of the United States, and among the great variety of interests, parties, and sects which it embraces, a coalition of a majority of the whole society could seldom take place on any other principles than those of justice and the general good; whilst there being thus less danger to a minor from the will of a major party, there must be less pretext, also, to provide for the security of the former, by introducing into the government a will not dependent on the latter, or, in other words, a will independent of the society itself. It is no less certain than it is important, notwithstanding the contrary opinions which have been entertained, that the larger the society, provided it lie within a practical sphere, the more duly capable it will be of self-government. And happily for the REPUBLICAN CAUSE, the practicable sphere may be carried to a very great extent, by a judicious modification and mixture of the FEDERAL PRINCIPLE. PUBLIUS.

Place the following in order from most broad to most specific. kingdom, phylum, class, order, family, genus, species 1 30 sec Q.Sort the correct characteristics into the correct Kingdoms. This is a sorting question 2 30 sec Q.Largest group in taxonomy kingdom 3 30 sec Q.A wolf's scientific name is Canis lupus. What is it's genus? Canis lupus taxonomy wolf 4 30 sec Q.What kingdom of organisms live in wet places, are single celled and have nuclei? Protista Animalia Plantae Fungi 5 30 sec Q.What type of fungi is this? (The tree is dead) saprophytic parasitic symbiotic kingdom 6 30 sec Q.How does this protist move? with a flagella with pseudopods with cell membrane with cilia 7 30 sec Q.How does this protist move? with cilia with pseudopods with nuclei with flagella 8 30 sec Q.Match the correct term to the description. This is a linking question 9 30 sec Q.How does this protist move? with pseudopods with cilia with flagella with nuclei 10 30 sec Q.How does this protist eat? with chloroplasts with pseudopods with cilia with cell membrane 11 30 sec Q.What is the name of this protist? paramecium 12 30 sec Q.What is the name of this protist? amoeba 13 30 sec Q.What is the name of this protist? euglena 14 30 sec Q.What type of fungi feed on other organisms and harm the hosts? parasitic symbiotic saprophytic pseudopods 15 30 sec Q.Match the following terms. This is a linking question 16 30 sec Q.Mycellium are a mass of hyphae. True False 17 30 sec Q.What are the long fibrous strands that allow the fungi to collect food and water called? hyphae fruiting body spores mycellium 18 30 sec Q.When a plant or fungi grows toward light we call that response_______. phototropism 19 30 sec Q.Gravitropism refers to how plants respond to gravity light touch temperature 20 30 sec Q.Fungi can reproduce with spores and hyphae spores only asexually only sexually only 21 30 sec Q.The variable the scientist changes independent 22 30 sec Q.Sort the correct descriptions into the correct boxes. This is a sorting question 23 30 sec Back to top

Select all the numbers that can be used as a common denominator to rewrite the fractions __ 2 6 and __ 1 2 . A 3 D 12 B 6 E 16 C 8 2 Aaron ran __ 5 8 mile to his friend’s house. Then he ran another __ 1 4 mile to the park. 1 1 8 1 8 1 8 1 8 1 8 1 8 1 8 1 8 1 8 1 8 1 8 1 8 1 4 Which equation shows how many miles Aaron ran? A __ 5 8 – __ 1 4 = __ 2 8 C __ 5 8 + __ 1 4 = __ 7 8 B __ 5 8 – __ 1 4 = __ 3 8 D __ 5 8 + __ 1 4 = __ 8 8 3 Select all the expressions that can be used to find the sum of __ 6 8 and ___9 12. A ___ 36 48 + ___ 36 48 D ___ 18 20 + ___ 17 20 B ___ 24 36 + ___ 27 36 E ___ 18 24 + ___ 18 24 C ___ 14 16 + ___ 13 16 4 Write a pair of equivalent fractions for __ 3 4 and __ 2 5 using a common denominator of 20. __ 3 4 = __ 2 5 = 5 Katie spent __ 4 5 hour painting and __ 1 2 hour drawing. ? 1 1 2 1 5 1 5 1 5 1 5 How much more time in hours did she spend painting than drawing? 6 Dave is planting a garden. He plants cucumbers in ___2 12 of his garden and tomatoes in __ 2 3 of his garden. What fraction of his garden does Dave plant with cucumbers and tomatoes? 7 Of the students in Maria’s class, __ 2 5 have dogs and __ 1 3 have cats. No students have both a dog and a cat. What fraction represents how many more students in Maria’s class have dogs? 52 © Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company Module 6 • Form A Name Module Test DO NOT EDIT--Changes must be made through "File info" CorrectionKey=NL-C 9 Mr. Gonzales used __ 3 4 quart of broth and __ 1 2 quart of milk to make soup. How many quarts of liquid did he use? Part A Complete the fraction model to represent the problem. 1 1 2 1 4 1 4 1 4 Part B Write an equation to show how many quarts of liquid Mr. Gonzales used to make soup. 10 A bowl of cereal contains __ 2 3 cup of oats and __ 2 8 cup of raisins. Write a numerical expression using equivalent fractions with a common denominator of 24 to model how many more cups of oats than raisins there are in the bowl. 11 Jessica read __ 1 6 of her book on Thursday, __ 2 9 of her book on Friday, and __ 1 2 of her book on Saturday. Part A Write a numerical expression using equivalent fractions to model how much of her book she has read so far. Part B What fraction of her book has Jessica read?

Electrostatics The section of CBSE Class 12 Physics electrostatic potential and capacitance notes mainly deals with the in-depth analysis of electromagnetic phenomena when they are not performing any movements. Additionally, it is divided into ten further sub-topics to study the companion processes of reaching the state. These are - 1. Electric charge In this section of Physics ch 2 Class 12 notes, you get to learn about the basic features of electric charge and its expression in Physics. Along with its basics, the sections help to understand the full potential of charge. Different aspects of Charge included in Class 12 Physics Chapter 2 notes are - Definition Type: Positive and Negative Charge Unit and dimensional formula Point Charge Properties of Charge Comparison of Charge and Mass Methods of Charging Electroscope 2. Coulomb's Law Force is created when charges of opposite signs attract each other, and they repulse if the signs are the same. Coulomb's law tries to define this phenomenon through a mathematical formula, explicitly mentioned in Physics Class 12 notes Chapter 2. Moreover, there is key information about the variation of the constant k and its effect on a medium. Coulomb's law's vector form and the principle of superimposition are also explained in ch 2 Physics Class 12 notes. (Image will be uploaded soon) 3. Electric Field As stated in Class 12 Physics Chapter 2 notes, every positively or negatively charged particle has their respective electric fields. It feels a force at the time of interaction which might be attraction or repulsion. As it arises from electric charge, it is crucial to know about its different parts like - Electric field intensity Relation between electric force and electric field Super imposition of electric field Point charge Continuous charge distributions Properties of Electric Field Lines Motion of Charged Particles in an Electric field Learning more about the electric field from electric potential and capacitance notes Class 12 helps a student to get a grasp of upcoming chapters. 4. Electric Potential Energy When energy helps a charge to move from an electric field, it is known as the Electric Potential Energy. This section of electrostatic chapter Class 12 notes requires a student to study the Electron volt (eV), and the potential energy that an n number of charges can hold. 5. Electric Potential This section of Class 12 Physics Chapter 2 notes focuses on in-depth learning of Electric Potential or Voltage. Basically, it defines the potential movement of energy. 6. Relation between Electric Field and Potential Apart from knowing more about the relationship between the two values, Physics Class 12 Chapter 2 notes also discuss equipotential surfaces. 7. Electric Dipole Essentially, 'Dipoles' are two opposite points of charge represented with q and –q, with their distance between each other being 2a. Electric Dipoles are crucial in your study of Physics Class 12 Chapter 2 notes to learn more about electric fields and their potential. Additionally, Class 12 Physics Chapter 2 notes focus on the influence of electric dipoles on a uniform electric field mainly through Force and Torque, Work, and Potential Energy. In the last part of Electrostatics, further focus is on using the formulas to their fullest potential. It includes subsections of Electric Field, Electric Potential Energy, Electric Potential, and Electric Dipole. In the notes for electrostatic potential and capacitance, you will find proper solutions accompanied by clear and crisp diagrams for better understanding. 8. Gauss's Law Apart from just discussing the Gauss's Law, in Physics Class 12 ch 2 notes there is a thorough explanation of its properties and applications. The Gauss' Law states that net electric flux passing through a hypothetical closed surface is equal to the net electric charge present within the same closed surface. Being a broad part of the whole chapter, you may need to spend a little more time on it. Moving forward, it starts discussing the properties of conductors in relation to Gauss's Law. The Class 12 Physics notes Chapter 2 perfectly defines the journey to Gauss' Law from Coulomb's Law. Here is the Gauss's Law present in the Class 12 Physics ch 2 notes, (image will be uploaded soon) 9. Capacitors There is a dedicated section about Capacitors in the Class 12 Physics Chapter 2 notes elucidating its functions and importance as storage of potential electric energy. After explaining the structure of a capacitor, it points out the different types, parallel plate, spherical and cylindrical. The section of Chapter 2 notes of Physics Class 12 is further divided into subheads like: Properties of an ideal battery Grouping of capacitors Simple circuits (Series and Parallel) Dielectric Van de Graaff generator Combination of drops Charge distribution method Wheatstone Bridge-based circuit Extended Wheatstone Bridge Infinite network of capacitors Redistribution of charge between two capacitors Vedantu prepares the Class 12 Physics Chapter 2 notes with help from subject matter experts. In the PDF, you get a comprehensive idea of the topic along with potential answers to the most asked questions. Furthermore, the detailed explanation on each section and subsections are written in a simple language allows a student to ace their exams with wholesome knowledge. These Physics Chapter 2 Class 12 notes are going to be one of the best supplementary study materials besides a student’s textbooks. Visit the Vedantu website or download the app to get your hands on all important notes! Important Questions A charge of 4 × 10–8C is uniformly distributed on the surface of a spherical conductor, having a radius of 15 cm. Determine the electric field just outside this sphere at a point that is 15 cm from the centre of this sphere. Determine the capacitance given that the distance between the two plates has been reduced by half and the parallel plate capacitor holds a capacitance of 20 pF (where 1pF = 10-12 F) having air between the two plates. What will be the total capacitance of a combination where three capacitors, each having a capacitance of 20 pF, are connected in series. A square having a side of 10 cm has a 500 µC charge at its centre. Determine the work done to move a charge of 10 µC between two points that are diagonally opposite each other on the square. At an equatorial point, what will be the electrostatic potential because of an electric dipole? Calculate the work done to move a test charge, q, through a length of 1 cm along the equatorial axis of an electric dipole? Polarisation A capacitor has its plates enclosed in a medium that can be filled by insulating substances. A net dipole moment is then induced by an electric field in the dielectric. This event causes the field in an opposite direction. Equipotential Surface An equipotential surface is a type of surface where the potential always has a constant value. If considered as a point charge, the concentric spheres that are centred at a particular area of this charge are basically equipotential surfaces. Advantages of Vedantu's Revision Notes: A Comprehensive Resource for Effective Learning There are several reasons why one may refer to Vedantu's revision notes for studying a subject like Electrostatic Potential and Capacitance. Here are some key points: Comprehensive Coverage: Vedantu's revision notes provide a comprehensive coverage of the entire topic, ensuring that all important concepts and subtopics are included. Concise and Organized: The notes are designed to be concise, focusing on the key points and core ideas. They are organized in a structured manner, making it easy for students to navigate and revise the content. Simplified Explanation: The revision notes offer simplified explanations of complex concepts, making them more accessible and easier to understand. This helps students grasp the material more effectively. Key Formulas and Equations: The notes highlight the key formulas and equations relevant to the topic, ensuring that students have a clear understanding of the mathematical aspects of Electrostatic Potential and Capacitance. Examples and Illustrations: Vedantu's revision notes often include examples and illustrations that help clarify concepts and provide practical applications, enabling students to better relate theory to real-world scenarios. Quick Recap: The revision notes serve as a quick recap of the important points, allowing students to review the material efficiently before exams or assessments. Exam-Oriented Approach: Vedantu's revision notes are designed with an exam-oriented approach, focusing on the topics and concepts that are frequently asked in examinations. This helps students prepare effectively and increase their chances of scoring well. Accessible Anytime: Vedantu's revision notes are easily accessible online, allowing students to study at their convenience and revise the material anytime, anywhere.

Classroom Expectations and Policies Assessment 1. What should students bring to class every day? a. Only a positive attitude b. Charged Chromebook, writing utensil, and positive attitude c. Just their books d. Snacks and drinks 2. What is the consequence for bullying in the classroom? a. A warning b. A violation card c. Extra homework d. A meeting with the principal 3. If a student breaks a personal item, what must they do? a. Ignore it b. Apologize c. Buy a new one for the teacher d. Ask for forgiveness 4. How should students handle using the futon during class? a. Sit on it every day b. Use it without asking c. Ask first and only use it during work time d. Sit on it during lectures 5. Where will all assignments be posted? a. On the classroom wall b. On Canvas c. Only verbally d. In a textbook 6. What happens if an assignment is submitted late? a. It will be graded normally b. It will not be accepted c. It will drop a letter grade each day it is late d. It will be given extra credit 7. After how many days of lateness will a student receive only half credit for an assignment? a. 1 day b. 2 days c. 3 days d. 4 days 8. What is the policy for retaking tests? a. No retakes allowed b. Students must schedule the retake themselves c. Retakes are given automatically d. Only the teacher can decide on retakes 9. What constitutes cheating in this classroom? a. Asking for help b. Claiming credit for someone else's work c. Working with a partner d. Participating in study groups 10. What is the penalty for cheating? a. A warning b. A failing grade on the assignment and notification of parents c. Extra assignments d. A detention 11. How will grades be determined? a. By participation only b. By points, with tests and quizzes weighted more than classwork c. By effort d. By attendance 12. Where can students use their cell phones? a. In class anytime b. In the commons and hallways during passing time and lunch c. In the restroom d. In the cafeteria only 13. What happens if a student uses their phone during class? a. They will receive a warning b. The phone will be confiscated immediately c. They can keep it if they ask d. They will lose points on their grade 14. What should a student do if they know they will be absent? a. Ignore it and hope for the best b. Come to the teacher at least three days before c. Ask a friend for notes d. Just show up later 15. If a student is sick and cannot do work, what should they focus on? a. Completing all missed assignments b. Getting better c. Emailing the teacher every hour d. Asking for extra credit 16. What is the policy on bringing food or drinks to class? a. It's not allowed at all b. It’s allowed as long as it’s not a distraction c. Only water is allowed d. Students must share their food 17. How should students contact the teacher with questions? a. Only during class time b. Through social media c. By email or in person d. By sending a friend 18. What happens if a student emails after 9 PM? a. The teacher will respond immediately b. The teacher will respond the next day at 7:45 AM c. The email will be ignored d. The teacher will call the student 19. How do violations accumulate for cell phone use? a. They reset every trimester b. They accumulate throughout the school year c. They reset every week d. They do not count 20. What should students do if they have concerns while the teacher is on maternity leave? a. Contact the principal b. Contact the substitute teacher for assistance c. Wait until the teacher returns d. Handle it on their own Answer Key (Always review AI generated answers for accuracy - Math is more likely to be inaccurate) b. Charged Chromebook, writing utensil, and positive attitude b. A violation card c. Buy a new one for the teacher c. Ask first and only use it during work time b. On Canvas c. It will drop a letter grade each day it is late c. 3 days b. Students must schedule the retake themselves b. Claiming credit for someone else's work b. A failing grade on the assignment and notification of parents b. By points, with tests and quizzes weighted more than classwork b. In the commons and hallways during passing time and lunch b. The phone will be confiscated immediately b. Come to the teacher at least three days before b. Getting better b. It’s allowed as long as it’s not a distraction c. By email or in person b. The teacher will respond the next day at 7:45 AM b. They accumulate throughout the school year b. Contact the substitute teacher for assistance

Create this questions into quiz: 1. Yesterday I ………………..(buy) a shirt and cargo trousers. 2. Ethan and Noa……………………(already/wait) for an hour before the bus arrived. 3. My parents……………….………(paint) the kitchen the whole morning. 4. It……………..(rain) very often in London 5. My brother………………….(clean) his room at the moment. 6. What…………………….…….(you/do) yesterday at 7 in the evening? 7. While my husband…………………..(cook) I ………..…………..(watch) TV. 8. She………………………….(not/study) for the exam yet. 9. I want you.……….………….(hand in) this assignment before Friday. 10. Students enjoy…………………(play) vocabulary games in class. 11. Can you afford………………..(buy) this expensive car? 12. We are looking forward to………………….(hear) from you.

Related quizzes

Related quizzes