April 16-20 Word Work

Paulson 7 Vocabulary April 16-20, 2018

THE BATTLE OF THE PHILIPPINE SEA Occured in the Philippine Sea and Marinas The battle engaged the bulk of thepagan American forces, and prevented the Japanese from reinforcing, their fleet in the •Marianas. •A month after, the Japanese LOST THEIR 4 best aircraft carriers in the Battle of Midway, an island northwest of Pearl "Harbor. 1. The Batle of the Philipine Sea lasted just one day June 19- June 20 1944 3. is also called the "Marianas Turkey Shoot” The Battle of the Coral Sea The Coral Sea is Between New Guinea and Australia The Japanese Were Trying to Attack Australia! The U.S. Navy and the Japanese Navy Fought! Nobody Won! U.S. Was Able to STOP the Attack on Australia! (Victory!) The American fleet defeated the Japanese. American planes bombarded Japanese installation in Manila from the air. Air strikes were also carried out in the Visayas. Battle of Okinawa: Battle Details The attack on Okinawa took heavy toll on both sides of the fighting... The Americans lost 7,373 men killed and 32,056 wounded on land. At sea, the Americans lost 5,000 killed and 4,600 wounded. The Japanese lost 107,000 killed and 7,400 men taken prisoner. The Japanese may have lost another 20,000 dead as a result of American tactics whereby Japanese troops were incinerated where they fought. The Americans also lost 36 ships. 368 ships were also damaged. 763 aircraft were destroyed. The Japanese lost 16 ships sunk and over 4,000 aircraft were lost. battle facts -the japanese launched fierce kamikaze attacks l-arge amouunts of civillian deaths -japanese soldiers using civilians as human shields Americans ended with more triumphs in the battles like in: General MacArthur and the Allies next turned to the Island of Iwo Jima The island was critical to the Allies as a base for an attack on Japan It was called the most heavily defended spot on earth Allied and Japanese forces suffered heavy casualties IWO JIMA American soldiers plant the flag ol the Island of Iwo Jima after their victory Battle of Leyte Gulf "Second Battle of the Philippine Sea". Time: October 23 - 26, 1944 during WW. Location: Leyte Gulf in Philippines (East coast), Philippine islands of Leyte, Samar, and Luzon. Largest naval battle in WWII. Leyte was secured and was liberated from the hands of the Japanese Americans decided to launch their attack in Leyte since the weak side of the Japanese fleet was in Visayas. Heavy bombing at the Leyte beaches cleared the way for the landing in Palo, Leyte. Leading the American troops were General Douglas MacArthur and President Osmeña, who took over after the death of President Quezon in Saranak Lake in New York. the battle for the liberation of manila The commonwealth government capital was transferred from tacloban to Manila. Manila once again became the seat of the national leadership. ON july 4, 1945, general macarthur announced the total liberation of the Philippines • The Commonwealth government capital was transferred from Tacloban to Manila. Manila once again became the seat of the national leadership. On July 4, 1945, General MacArthur announced the total liberation of the Philippines. Americans surprised the Japanese with the landing of troops in Lingayen Gulf in Pangasinan. • The Filipino guerillas had already cleared the area and neutralized many of the Japanese forces. The first target was the UST, which was used by the Japanese as a camp for civilian prisoners of war, and they were able to free them. • More than 1000 POWs from Bataan and Corregidor were also freed from the Bilibid Prisons. • The battle of Manila was recorded as the fiercest urban fighting in the entire Pacific War. WATERLOO DAILY COURIER-NEWSPAPER “PEACE! WAR ENDS; JAPANESE ACCEPT ALLIED TERMS. ON EMPEROR" On August 6, due to persistent refusal of Japan to yield, another atomic bomb was dropped in the shipbuilding city of Nagasaki. On August 15, V-J Day (Victory in Japan), Emperor Hirohito finally admitted defeat and on September 3, 1945 the document of surrender was signed on board of the U.S. battleship Missouri in Tokyo Bay. With the liberation of the Philippines, the Americar troops moved on to finally end the war in Asia. The Japanese cities of Tokyo, Osaka, Nagoya and Kure were bombed. In July 26, the allies demanded surrender but the Japanese continued to hold on to their belief that surrender is a dishonor. Atomic bomb was dropped on the populous city of Hiroshima, 60% of the city was destroyed. It was estimated that there were more than 80 000 people died on the spot and more than 37 000 suffered severe injuries. Today, the HIROSHIMA SHRINE serves as a reminder of th horrors of war and the need to preserve PEACE in the world. THE POSTWAR PHILIPPINE COMMONWEALTH-• Philippine Commonwealth resumed. Osmeña was confronted with a war - ravaged country with no financial resources for PROBLEMS • Poverty • Destruction of Properties • Unemployment • Price Increase • Hoarding • Graft and Corruption HINDRANCES -Rehabilitation of INDUSTRIES COULD NOT BE DONE BECAUSE OF LACK OF FUND -RAILWAYS WERE DESTROYED THAT LED TO SLOW PRODUCTION AND TRANSPORTATION SOLUTION -PCAU (Philippine Civil Affairs Unit) was established by MacArthur to provide emergency relief in areas liberated by the Americans. - It organized food distribution centers. CHALLENGES TO INDEPENDENCE • On April 30, 1946, the Philippine the US President. BIASED AGREEMENTS: Rehabilitation or the Tydings Act of 1946, passed by the US Congress, was approved by Commission • This Act created the US Philippine War Damage The Act also provided for the transfer of $100,000,000 surplus property of the United States to the Philippines. The Philippine Armed Forces received large quantities of valuable military equipment and supplies. BIASED AGREEMENTS: • The United States Congress offered $800 million for post World War Il rebuilding funds if the Bell Trade Act was ratified by the Philippine Congress Parity rights granting U.S. citizens and corporations rights to Philippine natural resources equal to (in parity with) those of Philippine citizens The Philippines used to celebrate its Independence Day on July 4, and not June 12, by virtue of the Truman Proclamation in 1946. In the early 1960s, however, the Philippine Historical Association lobbied to bring back June 12 as our Independence Day. In 1962, President Diosdado Macapagal issued a proclamation to make the change official. DECLARATION OF PHILIPPINE INDEPENDENCE • On July 4, 1946, the Americans granted independence to the Philippines.

Tobruk, a small town on the Libyan coast, was central to much of the fighting that took place in the Western Desert during the Second World War. It had originally been developed by the Italians during their colonisation of eastern Libya during the early decades of the 20th century. With a sheltered deep water harbour it became a key naval outpost. It was fortified during the 1930s with both coastal defence batteries and a 50 kilometre-long perimeter of reinforced concrete platoon posts, and other supporting infrastructure such as gun positions, headquarters bunkers, underground supply dumps, and observation towers. When British and Commonwealth forces advanced out of Egypt and into Libya in January 1941, Tobruk was their second objective. The Italian defence perimeter was attacked by the 6th Australian Division on the morning of 22 January and the town fell the next morning. The operation resulted in approximately 27,000 Italian prisoners and the capture of over 200 artillery pieces, but cost 49 Australian lives. The 6th Division's advance pressed on beyond Tobruk and eventually they were withdrawn from Libya to be deployed to Greece.The 9th Australian Division was moved in to Libya in February 1941 to garrison the territory captured by the 6th. By this time, however, German troops had arrived in Libya to reinforce their Italian allies and they launched an offensive that the British Commonwealth forces were ill-disposed to hold back. A retreat towards Egypt commenced. The 9th Division was ordered to fall back upon Tobruk, hold it in order deny its port facilities to the Germans, and delay their advance so as to provide time for defences on the Egyptian frontier to be prepared. Tobruk and the 9th Division were subsequently encircled, beginning what became known as "the siege of Tobruk". Reinforced by the 18th Brigade of the 7th Australian Division and other British and Commonwealth troops, and resupplied by the sea, the 9th Division held Tobruk from April to September 1941. During this period it repelled two major German attacks. In September and October the 9th Division, its condition steadily declining, was relieved by the British 70th Division, which continued to defend Tobruk until the siege was finally lifted by Operation Crusader in December. The defence of Tobruk resulted in 749 Australian deaths, and another 604 became prisoners of war. Tobruk was the scene of further heavy fighting in June 1942 when the fortunes of war again saw a British Commonwealth force seeking to deny the port to the enemy. The Axis forces, however, were in no mood for another siege and launched a massive attack to capture it on 20 June. It remained in their hands until their final retreat from Libya in November 1942.John Hurst Edmondson (1914-1941), soldier, was born on 8 October 1914 at Wagga Wagga, New South Wales, only child of native-born parents Joseph William Edmondson, farmer, and his wife Maude Elizabeth, née Hurst. The family moved to a farm near Liverpool when Jack was a child. Educated at Hurlstone Agricultural High School, he worked with his father and became a champion rifle-shooter. He was a council-member of the Liverpool Agricultural Society and acted as a steward at its shows. Having served (from March 1939) in the 4th Battalion, Militia, he enlisted in the Australian Imperial Force on 20 May 1940 and was posted to the 2nd/17th Battalion. Later that month he was promoted acting corporal (substantive in November). Well built and about 5 ft 9 ins (175 cm) tall, Edmondson settled easily into army life and was known as a quiet but efficient soldier. His battalion embarked for the Middle East in October and trained in Palestine. In March 1941 the 2nd/17th moved with other components of the 9th Division to Libya and reached Marsa Brega before an Axis counter-attack forced them to retreat to Tobruk. The siege of the fortress began on 11 April. Two days later the Germans probed the perimeter, targeting a section of the line west of the El Adem Road near Post R33. This strong-point was garrisoned by the 2nd/17th's No.16 Platoon in which Edmondson was a section leader. The enemy intended to clear the post as a bridgehead for an armoured assault on Tobruk.Under cover of darkness thirty Germans infiltrated the barbed wire defences, bringing machine-guns, mortars and two light field-guns. Lieutenant Austin Mackell, commanding No.16 Platoon, led Edmondson's five-man section in an attempt to repel the intruders. Armed with rifles, fixed bayonets and grenades, the party of seven tried to outflank the Germans, but were spotted by the enemy who turned their machine-guns on them. Unknown to his mates, Edmondson was severely wounded in the neck and stomach. Covering fire from R33 ceased at the pre-arranged time of 11.45 p.m. and Mackell ordered his men to charge. Despite his wounds, Edmondson accounted for several enemy soldiers and saved Mackell's life. When the remaining Germans fled, the Australians returned to their lines. Although Edmondson was treated for his wounds, he died before dawn on 14 April 1941. The Germans' armoured attack that morning was thwarted, partly due to the earlier disruption of their plans. Edmondson was buried in Tobruk war cemetery. He had not married. His Victoria Cross, gazetted on 4 July, was the first awarded to a member of Australia's armed forces in World War II. In April 1960 Mrs Edmondson gave her son's medals to the Australian War Memorial, Canberra, where they are displayed alongside his portrait (1958) by Joshua Smith. At Liverpool a public clock commemorates Edmondson, as do the clubrooms used by the sub-branch of the Returned Services League of Australia.Perhaps my nerves will be more under control when I am by myself. There were no entries in the diary until Friday April 18 when she wrote: Fighting terrific in Greece and North Africa…. I dread the casualty list also the heaviest air raid over London to date. Account …. of heavy fighting and much use of bayonet at Tobruk. Also gives an account of a charge in which a Lieutenant and a Corporal took prominent parts on Easter Sunday night. Of course, no names. When I read it …. I was sure the Corporal was Jack…. It said no casualties but …. I know … that all is not well with Jack. ….. (and) Stuffy ….has not come home yet. On Wednesday April 23 she received a letter from Jack dated March 30 and for the first time he said the conditions were bad. The food short, water one bottle for 48 hours. It worried me terribly so I posted a parcel (of) milk tablets, chocolate milk, biscuits (and) cigarettes.Tuesday April 15 I was feeling afraid of something while I was working and packing the cake (and) had a couple of brandys to (keep going).April 26 Received the following telegram in the mail, the bus man brought it in. “It is with deep regret that I have to inform you that Corporal John Hurst Edmondson was killed in action on the 14th April and desire to convey the profound sympathy of the Ministry for the Army and the Military Board.”Her final entry

MYTH The British helped the Jews displace the native Arab population of Palestine. FACT Herbert Samuel, a British Jew who served as the first High Commissioner of Palestine, placed restrictions on Jewish immigration “in the ‘interests of the present population’ and the ‘absorptive capacity’ of the country.”1 The influx of Jewish settlers was said to force the Arab fellahin (native peasants) from their land. This was when less than a million people lived in an area that now supports more than nine million. The British limited the absorptive capacity of Palestine when, in 1921, Colonial Secretary Winston Churchill severed nearly four-fifths of Palestine—some thirty-five thousand square miles—to create a new Arab entity, Transjordan. As a consolation prize for the Hejaz and Arabia (which are both now Saudi Arabia) going to the Saud family, Churchill rewarded Sharif Hussein’s son Abdullah for his contribution to the war against Turkey by installing him as Transjordan’s emir. The British went further and placed restrictions on Jewish land purchases in what remained of Palestine. By 1949, the British had allotted 87,500 acres of the 187,500 acres of cultivable land to Arabs and only 4,250 acres to Jews. This contradicted Article 6 of the Mandate which stated that “the Administration of Palestine…shall encourage, in cooperation with the Jewish Agency…close settlement by Jews on the land, including State lands and waste lands not acquired for public purposes.”2 Ultimately, the British admitted that the argument about the country’s absorptive capacity was specious. The Peel Commission said, “The heavy immigration in the years 1933–36 would seem to show that the Jews have been able to enlarge the absorptive capacity of the country for Jews.”3 MYTH The British allowed Jews to flood Palestine while Arab immigration was tightly controlled. FACT The British response to Jewish immigration set a precedent of appeasing the Arabs, which was followed for the duration of the Mandate. The British restricted Jewish immigration while allowing Arabs to enter the country freely. Apparently, London did not feel that a flood of Arab immigrants would affect the country’s “absorptive capacity.” During World War I, the Jewish population in Palestine declined because of the war, famine, disease, and expulsion by the Turks. In 1915, approximately 83,000 Jews lived in Palestine among 590,000 Muslim and Christian Arabs. According to the 1922 census, the Jewish population was 83,000, while the Arabs numbered 643,000.4 Thus, the Arab population grew exponentially while that of the Jews stagnated. In the mid-1920s, Jewish immigration to Palestine increased primarily because of anti-Jewish economic legislation in Poland and Washington’s imposition of restrictive quotas.5 The record number of immigrants in 1935 (see table) was a response to the growing persecution of Jews in Nazi Germany. The British administration considered this number too large, however, so the Jewish Agency was informed that less than one-third of the quota it asked for would be approved in 1936.6 The British gave in further to Arab demands by announcing in the 1939 White Paper that an independent Arab state would be created within ten years and that Jewish immigration was to be limited to 75,000 for the next five years, after which it was to cease altogether. It also forbade land sales to Jews in 95% of the territory of Palestine. The Arabs, nevertheless, rejected the proposal. Jewish Immigration to Palestine7 1919 1,806 1931 4,075 1920 8,223 1932 12,533 1921 8,294 1933 37,337 1922 8,685 1934 45,267 1923 8,175 1935 66,472 1924 13,892 1936 29,595 1925 34,386 1937 10,629 1926 13,855 1938 14,675 1927 3,034 1939 31,195 1928 2,178 1940 10,643 1929 5,249 1941 4,592 1930 4,944 By contrast, throughout the Mandatory period, Arab immigration was unrestricted. In 1930, the Hope Simpson Commission, sent from London to investigate the 1929 Arab riots, said the British practice of ignoring the uncontrolled illegal Arab immigration from Egypt, Transjordan, and Syria had the effect of displacing the prospective Jewish immigrants.8 The British governor of the Sinai from 1922 to 1936 observed, “This illegal immigration was not only going on from the Sinai, but also from Transjordan and Syria, and it is very difficult to make a case out for the misery of the Arabs if at the same time their compatriots from adjoining states could not be kept from going in to share that misery.”9 The Peel Commission reported in 1937 that the “shortfall of land is…due less to the amount of land acquired by Jews than to the increase in the Arab population.”10 MYTH The British changed their policy to allow Holocaust survivors to settle in Palestine. FACT The gates of Palestine remained closed for the duration of the war, stranding hundreds of thousands of Jews in Europe, many of whom became victims of Hitler’s “Final Solution.” After the war, the British refused to allow the survivors of the Nazi nightmare to find sanctuary in Palestine. On June 6, 1946, President Truman urged the British government to relieve the suffering of the Jews confined to displaced persons camps in Europe by immediately accepting 100,000 Jewish immigrants. Britain’s foreign minister Ernest Bevin replied sarcastically that the United States wanted displaced Jews to immigrate to Palestine “because they did not want too many of them in New York.”11 Some Jews reached Palestine, many smuggled in on dilapidated ships organized by the Haganah. Between August 1945 and the establishment of the State of Israel in May 1948, sixty-five “illegal” immigrant ships, carrying 69,878 people, arrived from European shores. In August 1946, however, the British began to intern those they caught in camps on Cyprus. Approximately 50,000 people were detained in the camps, and 28,000 remained imprisoned when Israel declared independence.12 MYTH As the Jewish population grew, the plight of the Palestinian Arabs worsened. FACT In July 1921, Hasan Shukri, the mayor of Haifa and president of the Muslim National Associations, sent a telegram to the British government in reaction to a delegation of Palestinians that went to London to try to stop the implementation of the Balfour Declaration. Shukri wrote: We are certain that without Jewish immigration and financial assistance there will be no future development of our country as may be judged from the fact that the towns inhabited in part by Jews such as Jerusalem, Jaffa, Haifa, and Tiberias are making steady progress while Nablus, Acre, and Nazareth where no Jews reside are steadily declining.13 The Jewish population increased by 470,000 between World War I and World War II, while the non-Jewish population rose by 588,000.14 The permanent Arab population increased by 120% between 1922 and 1947.15 This rapid growth of the Arab population was a result of several factors. One was immigration from neighboring states—constituting 37% of the total immigration to pre-state Israel—by Arabs who wanted to take advantage of the higher standard of living the Jews had made possible.16 The Arab population also grew because of the improved living conditions created by the Jews as they drained malarial swamps and brought improved sanitation and health care to the region. Thus, for example, the Muslim infant mortality rate fell from 201 per thousand in 1925 to 94 per thousand in 1945, and life expectancy rose from 37 years in 1926 to 49 in 1943.17 The Arab population increased the most in cities where large Jewish populations had created new economic opportunities. From 1922–1947, the non-Jewish population increased by 290% in Haifa, 131% in Jerusalem, and 158% in Jaffa. The growth in Arab towns was more modest: 42% in Nablus, 78% in Jenin, and 37% in Bethlehem.18 MYTH Jews stole Arab land. FACT Despite the growth in their population, the Arabs continued to assert they were being displaced. From the beginning of World War I, however, part of Palestine’s land was owned by absentee landlords who lived in Cairo, Damascus, and Beirut. About 80% of the Palestinian Arabs were debt-ridden peasants, semi-nomads, and Bedouins.19 Jews went out of their way to avoid purchasing land in areas where Arabs might be displaced. They sought land that was largely uncultivated, swampy, cheap, and—most important—without tenants. In 1920, Labor Zionist leader David Ben-Gurion expressed his concern about the Arab fellahin, whom he viewed as “the most important asset of the native population.” He insisted that “under no circumstances must we touch land belonging to fellahs or worked by them.” Instead, he advocated helping liberate them from their oppressors. “Only if a fellah leaves his place of settlement,” Ben-Gurion added, “should we offer to buy his land, at an appropriate price.”20 Jews only began to purchase cultivated land after buying all the uncultivated territory. Many Arabs were willing to sell because of the migration to coastal towns and because they needed money to invest in the citrus industry.21 When John Hope Simpson arrived in Palestine in May 1930, he observed, “They [the Jews] paid high prices for the land and, in addition, they paid to certain of the occupants of those lands a considerable amount of money which they were not legally bound to pay.”22 In 1931, Lewis French conducted a survey of landlessness for the British government and offered new plots to any Arabs who had been “dispossessed.” British officials received more than 3,000 applications, of which 80% were ruled invalid by the government’s legal adviser because the applicants were not landless Arabs. This left only about 600 landless Arabs, 100 of whom accepted the government land offer.23 In April 1936, a new outbreak of Arab attacks on Jews was instigated by local Palestinian leaders who were later joined by Arab volunteers led by a Syrian guerrilla named Fawzi al-Qawuqji, the commander of the Arab Liberation Army. By November, when the British finally sent a new commission headed by Lord Peel to investigate, 89 Jews had been killed and more than 300 wounded.24 The Peel Commission’s report found that Arab complaints about Jewish land acquisition were baseless. It pointed out that “much of the land now carrying orange groves was sand dunes or swamp and uncultivated when it was purchased…There was at the time of the earlier sales little evidence that the owners possessed either the resources or training needed to develop the land.”25 Moreover, the Commission found the shortage was “due less to the amount of land acquired by Jews than to the increase in the Arab population.” The report concluded that the presence of Jews in Palestine, along with the work of the British administration, had resulted in higher wages, an improved standard of living, and ample employment opportunities.26 It is made quite clear to all, both by the map drawn up by the Simpson Commission and by another compiled by the Peel Commission, that the Arabs are as prodigal in selling their land as they are in useless wailing and weeping (emphasis in the original). —Transjordan’s king Abdullah27 Even at the height of the Arab revolt in 1938 (which began in April 1936 with the murder of two Jews by Arabs and the subsequent murder of two Arab workers by members of the Jewish underground28), the British high commissioner to Palestine believed the Arab landowners were complaining about sales to Jews to drive up prices for lands they wished to sell. Many Arab landowners had been so terrorized by Arab rebels they decided to leave Palestine and sell their property to the Jews.29 The Jews paid exorbitant prices to wealthy landowners for small tracts of arid land. “In 1944, Jews paid between $1,000 and $1,100 per acre in Palestine, mostly for arid or semiarid land; in the same year, rich black soil in Iowa was selling for about $110 per acre.”30 By 1947, Jewish holdings in Palestine amounted to about 463,000 acres. Approximately 45,000 were acquired from the mandatory government, 30,000 were bought from various churches, and 387,500 were purchased from Arabs. Analyses of land purchases from 1880 to 1948 show that 73% of Jewish plots were purchased from large landowners, not poor fellahin.31 Many leaders of the Arab nationalist movement, including members of the Muslim Supreme Council, and the mayors of Gaza, Jerusalem, and s sold land to the Jews. As’ad el-Shuqeiri, a Muslim religious scholar and father of Palestine Liberation Organization chairman Ahmed Shuqeiri, took Jewish money for his land. Even King Abdullah leased land to the Jews.32 MYTH The British helped the Palestinians to live peacefully with the Jews. FACT In 1921, Haj Amin el-Husseini first began to organize fedayeen (“one who sacrifices himself”) to terrorize Jews. El-Husseini hoped to duplicate the success of Kemal Atatürk in Turkey by driving the Jews out of Palestine just as Kemal had driven the invading Greeks from his country.33 Arab radicals gained influence because the British administration was unwilling to take effective action against them until they began a revolt against British rule. Colonel Richard Meinertzhagen, former head of British military intelligence in Cairo, and later chief political officer for Palestine and Syria, wrote in his diary that British officials “incline towards the exclusion of Zionism in Palestine.” The British encouraged the Palestinians to attack the Jews. According to Meinertzhagen, Col. Bertie Harry Waters-Taylor (financial adviser to the military administration in Palestine 1919–23) met with el-Husseini in 1920, a few days before Easter, and told him that “he had a great opportunity at Easter to show the world…that Zionism was unpopular not only with the Palestine administration but in Whitehall.” He added that “if disturbances of sufficient violence occurred in Jerusalem at Easter, both General [Louis] Bols [chief administrator in Palestine, 1919–20] and General [Edmund] Allenby [commander of the Egyptian force, 1917–19, then high commissioner of Egypt] would advocate the abandonment of the Jewish Home. Waters-Taylor explained that freedom could only be attained through violence.”34 El-Husseini took the colonel’s advice and instigated a riot. The British withdrew their troops and the Jewish police from Jerusalem, allowing the Arab mob to attack Jews and loot their shops. Because of el-Husseini’s overt role in instigating the pogrom, the British decided to arrest him. He escaped, however, and was sentenced to ten years in absentia. A year later, some British Arabists convinced High Commissioner Herbert Samuel to pardon el-Husseini and to appoint him Mufti (a cleric in charge of Jerusalem’s Islamic holy places). By contrast, Vladimir Jabotinsky and several followers, who had formed a Jewish defense organization during the unrest, were sentenced to 15 years. They were released a few months later.35 Samuel met with el-Husseini on April 11, 1921, and was assured “that the influences of his family and himself would be devoted to tranquility.” Three weeks later, riots in Jaffa and elsewhere left forty-three Jews dead.36 El-Husseini consolidated his power and took control of all Muslim religious funds in Palestine. He used his authority to gain control over the mosques, the schools, and the courts. No Arab could reach an influential position without being loyal to the Mufti. His power was so absolute that “no Muslim in Palestine could be born or die without being beholden to Haj Amin.”37 The Mufti’s henchmen also ensured he would have no opposition by systematically killing Palestinians who discussed cooperation with the Jews from rival clans. As the spokesman for Palestinian Arabs, el-Husseini did not ask that Britain grant them independence. On the contrary, in a letter to Churchill in 1921, he demanded that Palestine be reunited with Syria and Transjordan.38 The Arabs found rioting an effective political tool because of the lax British response toward violence against Jews. In handling each riot, the British prevented Jews from protecting themselves but made little effort to prevent the Arabs from attacking them. After each outbreak, a British commission of inquiry would try to establish the cause of the violence. The conclusion was always the same: The Arabs feared being displaced by the Jews. To stop the rioting, the commissions would recommend that restrictions be placed on Jewish immigration. Thus, the Arabs learned they could always stop the influx of Jews by staging riots. This cycle began after a series of riots in May 1921. After failing to protect the Jewish community from Arab mobs, the British appointed the Haycraft Commission to investigate the cause of the violence. Although the panel concluded the Arabs had been the aggressors, it rationalized the cause of the attack: “The fundamental cause of the riots was a feeling among the Arabs of discontent with, and hostility to, the Jews, due to political and economic causes, and connected with Jewish immigration, and with their conception of Zionist policy.”39 One consequence of the violence was the institution of a temporary ban on Jewish immigration. The Arab fear of being “displaced” or “dominated” was an excuse for their attacks on Jewish settlers. Note, too, that these riots were not inspired by nationalistic fervor—nationalists would have rebelled against their British overlords—they were motivated by economics, the radical Islamic views of the Mufti, and misunderstanding. In 1929, Arab provocateurs convinced the masses that the Jews had designs on the Temple Mount (a tactic still used today to incite violence). A Jewish religious observance at the Western Wall, which forms a part of the Temple Mount, served as a pretext for rioting by Arabs against Jews, which spilled out of Jerusalem into other villages and towns, including Safed and Hebron. Again, the British administration made no effort to prevent the violence, and, after it began, the British did nothing to protect the Jewish population. After six days of mayhem, the British finally brought troops in to quell the disturbance. By this time, most of Hebron’s Jews had fled or been killed. In all, 133 Jews were killed and 399 wounded in the pogroms.40 After the riots, the British ordered an investigation, resulting in the Passfield White Paper. It said the “immigration, land purchase and settlement policies of the Zionist Organization were already or were likely to become, prejudicial to Arab interests. It understood the mandatory government’s obligation to the non-Jewish community to mean that Palestine’s resources must be primarily reserved for the growing Arab economy.”41 This meant it was necessary to restrict Jewish immigration and land purchases. MYTH The Mufti was not a Nazi collaborator. FACT In 1941, Haj Amin al-Husseini, the Mufti of Jerusalem, fled to Germany and met with Adolf Hitler, Heinrich Himmler, Joachim Von Ribbentrop, and other Nazi leaders. He wanted to persuade them to extend the Nazis’ anti-Jewish program to the Arab world. The Mufti sent Hitler fifteen drafts of declarations he wanted Germany and Italy to make concerning the Middle East. One called on the two countries to declare the illegality of the Jewish home in Palestine. He also asked the Axis powers to “accord to Palestine and to other Arab countries the right to solve the problem of the Jewish elements in Palestine and other Arab countries in accordance with the interest of the Arabs, and by the same method that the question is now being settled in the Axis countries.”42 In November 1941, the Mufti met with Hitler, who told him the Jews were his foremost enemy. The Nazi dictator rebuffed the Mufti’s requests for a declaration in support of the Arabs, however, telling him the time was not right. The Mufti offered Hitler his “thanks for the sympathy which he had always shown for the Arab and especially Palestinian cause, and to which he had given clear expression in his public speeches.” He added, “The Arabs were Germany’s natural friends because they had the same enemies as had Germany, namely…the Jews.” Hitler told the Mufti he opposed the creation of a Jewish state and that Germany’s objective was destroying the Jewish element in the Arab sphere.43 In 1945, Yugoslavia sought to indict the Mufti as a war criminal for his role in recruiting twenty thousand Muslim volunteers for the SS, who participated in the killing of Jews in Croatia and Hungary. He escaped French detention in 1946, however, and continued his fight against the Jews from Cairo and later Beirut where he died in 1974. MYTH The bombing of the King David Hotel was part of a deliberate terror campaign against civilians. FACT British troops seized the Jewish Agency compound on June 29, 1946, and confiscated large quantities of documents. At about the same time, more than 2,500 Jews from all over Palestine were arrested. A week later, news of a massacre of 40 Jews in a pogrom in Poland reminded the Jews of Palestine how Britain’s restrictive immigration policy had condemned thousands to death. In response to the British provocations, and a desire to demonstrate that the Jews’ spirit could not be broken, the United Resistance Movement planned to bomb the King David Hotel, which housed the British military command and the Criminal Investigation Division in addition to hotel guests. The Haganah pulled out of the plot and left it up to the Irgun. Irgun leader Menachem Begin stressed his desire to avoid civilian casualties and the plan was to warn the British so they would evacuate the building before it was blown up. Three telephone calls were placed on July 22, 1946, one to the hotel, another to the French Consulate, and a third to the Palestine Post warning that explosives in the King David Hotel would soon be detonated. The call to the hotel was received and ignored. Begin quotes one British official who supposedly refused to evacuate the building, saying, “We don’t take orders from the Jews.”44 As a result, when the bombs exploded, the casualty toll was high: 91 killed and 45 injured. Among the casualties were 15 Jews. Few people in the main part of the hotel were injured.45 For decades, the British denied they had been warned. In 1979, however, a member of the British Parliament provided the testimony of a British officer who heard other officers in the King David Hotel bar joking about a Zionist threat to the headquarters. The officer who overheard the conversation immediately left the hotel and survived.46 In contrast to Arab attacks against Jews, which Arab leaders hailed as heroic actions, the Jewish National Council denounced the bombing of the King David.47 1 Aharon Cohen, Israel and the Arab World, (NY: Funk and Wagnalls, 1970), p. 172

Figlio di un decurione, Patricio, ancora pagano, e della cristiana Monnica, fu iscritto tra i catecumeni; compì gli studi in patria, a Madaura, poi a Cartagine: periodo da lui descritto come di abbandono alle passioni amorose. Da una concubina ebbe nel 372 un figlio, Adeodato. La lettura dell'Hortensius ciceroniano lo attrasse, diciannovenne, alla filosofia, e aderì presto al manicheismo, presentatogli come spiegazione scientifica dell'universo. Se ne fece anzi propagandista a Tagaste, dopo la morte del padre, e a Cartagine ove ottenne qualche successo come retore, e scrisse il suo primo libro, De pulchro et apto (perduto), in cui pare si sforzasse a dare veste filosofica al manicheismo, nel quale era però rimasto semplice uditore. Passò poi, abbandonando la madre, a Roma; quindi, su raccomandazione di Simmaco, come professore ufficiale di retorica (autunno 384), a Milano, ove maturò la crisi spirituale, in seguito alla quale, dimessa la concubina e rinunciando al matrimonio vantaggioso per cui insisteva Monnica, si decise ad abbracciare il cristianesimo, che gli si palesava, allora, come in pieno e perfetto accordo con la filosofia neoplatonica e la predicazione di s. Ambrogio. A Cassiciacum (probabilmente Cassago, in Brianza), dimessosi dalla cattedra, scrisse le prime opere pervenuteci (i dialoghi Contra academicos, De vita beata, De ordine e Soliloquia) e cominciò a comporre una serie di manuali delle arti liberali; fu battezzato da s. Ambrogio la notte del sabato santo (24-25 aprile) del 387. Trascorse a Roma l'inverno (Monnica morì ad Ostia nel novembre) e tornò a Tagaste, continuando, nella vita monastica, la sua attività di scrittore. Nel 391 fu ordinato sacerdote a Ippona, ove, tra la fine del 395 e il 396, fu consacrato come successore dal vescovo Valerio già prossimo a morte; lo stesso fece poi (426) A. col prete Eraclio. Le reliquie, portate in Sardegna da s. Fulgenzio e altri vescovi esuli nel 486, furono dopo l'invasione saracena trasportate, per opera del re Liutprando, a Pavia ove gli fu eretto il monumento: ma che fossero di lui quelle ritrovate nel 1695 fu contrastato dal Muratori e da altri. Nei 34 anni di episcopato lo tennero occupato, oltre le cure costanti dedicate alla sua chiesa, la copiosa corrispondenza (ci sono giunte 218 lettere di A., oltre i trattatelli in forma epistolare, e 53 dirette a lui), la predicazione (i sermoni conservati e noti finora sono più di 500), i concilî e le eresie e scismi, la lotta contro i quali assorbì grandissima parte dell'attività letteraria, che ha reso A. proverbiale come uno non solo dei più dotti e profondi, ma dei più fecondi scrittori mai esistiti. Appunto le polemiche, insieme con la conversione, l'ordinazione e la consacrazione, contrassegnano, all'ingrosso, anche periodi dello svolgimento del pensiero di lui. Con la conversione comincia la polemica contro i manichei, già accennata nei "Dialoghi di Cassiciaco" e continuata in una serie di scritti per lo più filosofico-religiosi (per es. De quantitate animae, De libero arbitrio, il libro VI De musica, De magistro, De vera religione, De utilitate credendi), in cui vediamo A. passare gradatamente dall'affermazione della superiorità essenziale della ragione sulla fede, a quella dell'utilità e ragionevolezza dell'affidarsi all'auctoritas fondata sulla rivelazione e universalmente riconosciuta, della Chiesa; ed elaborare insieme la sua caratteristica dottrina della conoscenza. La felicità, cui gli uomini aspirano, non si consegue senza il possesso della verità. Contro gli scettici, egli usa l'argomento principe: se dubito, so di dubitare, dunque di essere; se sbaglio, sono (motivo che da taluni storici della filosofia viene indicato tra gli antecedenti del dubbio cartesiano: non sfugge comunque il diverso contesto). Ma la verità va cercata in me stesso: è la dottrina neoplatonica del ritorno su sé stessa dell'anima, che, riconosciuta la mutevolezza del mondo esteriore, percepito dai sensi, e la sua propria, si avvia a ricercare la verità immutabile, per cui è vero ogni ragionamento vero, e che è Dio medesimo. I sensi, dunque, e anche le parole del maestro, non fanno se non ridestare idee, che sono già nell'anima: non però nel senso della dottrina platonica della reminiscenza, ma in quanto in interiore homine habitat veritas, parla cioè, in fondo all'anima, il Maestro interiore, il Verbo divino; nell'uomo (in interiore homine) brilla la luce del vero che dona a ciascuno le rationes aeternae, principio e fondamento di ogni giudizio. È questa la teoria detta dell'illuminazione, che, non del tutto chiarita da A., si presta a varie interpretazioni (secondo che le rationes aeternae si intendano come "idee innate", o come "categorie" del giudizio); essa si collega alla dottrina del "maestro interiore", il Verbo, il solo vero maestro: sicché l'insegnare degli uomini è solo un preparare ad ascoltare la voce del Verbo divino. Queste dottrine furono da A. mantenute anche in opere posteriori ma il primitivo entusiasmo per Platone, Plotino e i "platonici" (che, se fossero vissuti ora, - dice - si sarebbero fatti cristiani) e per i neoplatonici si affievolì col tempo. La polemica antimanichea venne continuata in altri scritti (per es. Contra Adimantum, Contra epistolam Manichaei quam vocant fundamenti) fino al voluminoso Contra Faustum e ad altri opuscoli fino al 405 circa, poi sporadicamente in un paio di opuscoli e, in parte, nel trattatello contro tutte le eresie (De haeresibus, 428-29). L'ordinazione sacerdotale obbliga A. a spiegare al popolo i libri sacri; egli partecipa più intimamente della vita della Chiesa e viene a conoscere lo scisma che tormenta la Chiesa africana. Comincia così la polemica contro il donatismo, con l'interessante Psalmus abecedarius contra partem Donati, primo esempio degli scritti popolareggianti di A. (versi di 16 sillabe, abbandono della prosodia e metrica classica, assonanza in e), poi con una serie di opere (Contra epistolam Parmeniani, De baptismo, Contra litteras Petiliani, Contra Cresconium) fino alla grande "conferenza" di Cartagine (411; Breviculus collationis cum donatistis) quindi, con minor frequenza di scritti, sino al Contra Gaudentium (420 circa). In questa polemica, che lo portò a occuparsi dell'ecclesiologia, A. segue s. Cipriano e s. Ottato mantenendo fermissimo il principio della validità ed efficacia obiettiva (ex opere operato) dei Sacramenti, la cattolicità e l'unità della Chiesa, fuori della quale non v'è salvezza e che è corpus permixtum: ne fanno parte cioè grano e zizzania, buoni e malvagi, che soltanto Gesù Cristo ha diritto di separare nel giorno del Giudizio. Ma mentre all'inizio, e ancora nel 411, A. non voleva ricorrere ad altro mezzo che la persuasione attraverso la discussione, tuttavia, con le leggi di Onorio contro gli scismatici e di fronte alla loro ostinazione, cambiò parere: e come dalla netta distinzione tra scisma ed eresia passò a definire questa quale "scisma inveterato", così ammise la legittimità e necessità della coercizione e del ricorso all'autorità civile, fissando altresì il dovere per il sovrano cristiano di attenersi al magistero della chiesa.Ma con l'ordinazione A. si dedica anche con maggiore intensità allo studio della Bibbia: specialmente del Genesi, passando dall'interpretazione strettamente allegorica (De Genesi adversus Manichaeos, 388-90) a quella letterale, e insieme di valore filosofico (De Genesi ad litteram liber imperfectus), e di s. Paolo (Expositio quarundam propositionum ex Epistola ad Romanos, Epistolae ad Romanos expositio inchoata, Expositio Epistolae ad Galatas, parecchie delle questioni trattate nel De diversis quaestionibus octogintatribus). Cogliamo qui un momento importantissimo nello svolgimento del pensiero teologico di A., e oggetto di molte discussioni. Egli si è sforzato di mantenere in primo luogo la giustizia di Dio, che premia i buoni, cioè coloro che credendo si acquistano un merito, e che punisce i malvagi. Ma, dopo un lungo sforzo, A. viene a riconoscere che il momento iniziale dell'atto di fede, l'initium fidei, che è initium salutis, non è opera dell'uomo ma viene da Dio: al quale non si può tuttavia rimproverare alcuna ingiustizia, se, gratuitamente, fa grazia ad alcuni; mentre gli uomini tutti, in cui sopravvive il peccato originale, non meritano se non la condanna. Questi concetti appaiono per la prima volta con tutta chiarezza, nel primo scritto posteriore all'episcopato di A., il De diversis quaestionibus ad Simplicianum. Frutto di questa conquista del suo pensiero, che lo induce a rimeditare sulla sua vita, si possono considerare le Confessioni (398 circa), nelle quali, altresì, sono ripresi altri due temi che lo appassionano: quello della cultura cristiana e quello dei principî che presiedono all'interpretazione della Scrittura. La prima questione è da lui affrontata sotto l'aspetto teorico nel De doctrina christiana (interrotto, ma ripreso e terminato nel 426): come anche nelle Confessioni A. è sensibile ai pericoli della cultura tradizionale, pagana, ma vuole salvarne il buono, che va assunto e fatto proprio dal cristianesimo. Così, conchiudendo una lunga controversia, A. assicura col peso della sua autorità la trasmissione della cultura antica. Ma nelle Confessioni il problema della memoria (in essa è la misura del tempo) trascina seco quello della creazione. A. la ritiene avvenuta nel tempo, anzi col tempo, dal nulla, e per tutte le cose simultaneamente, ma non allo stesso modo: ché alcune furono create da Dio non in atto e nella loro forma perfetta, ma solo in potenza, o in germe (rationes seminales, energie latenti destinate a svilupparsi nel tempo e a produrre, al momento opportuno per ciascuno, i diversi esseri). A queste conclusioni A. è portato da un nuovo studio dei primi 3 capitoli del Genesi (De Genesi ad litteram libri XII, tra il 401 circa e il 415 circa). Accanto al quale, tra le opere esegetiche, vanno ricordati il De consensu evangelistarum (400 circa), le Enarrationes in Psalmos, e i Tractatus in evangelium Iohannis, raccolte di sermoni su questi libri. Ma nelle Confessioni A. ha inserito anche un'istruzione catechetica (proprio con il commento al Genesi), affine a quella da lui data in un'altra operetta, il De catechizandis rudibus (400 circa). E il motivo della memoria, che appare nelle Confessioni, diventa importantissimo in un altro trattato su cui A. si affaticò lungo (400 circa -416 circa): il De Trinitate. L'anima è un pensiero (mens) da cui nasce una conoscenza (notitia), e nel suo rapportarsi a questa conoscenza nasce l'amore che essa si porta (amor). Nell'anima o, meglio, nella memoria, nell'intelletto e nella volontà, nella parte cioè più alta e nobile di essa, che ricorda, comprende e ama sé stessa, ma soprattutto ricorda, conosce e ama Dio, A. scorge le "vestigia" della Trinità divina. Di essa, criticando talvolta le formule di s. Ilario di Poitiers, egli mette in rilievo l'unità di sostanza, insistendo sull'uguaglianza delle tre Persone: le operazioni ad extra sono l'opera indistinta di tutte, ciò che si dice di ciascuna quanto alla sostanza, e anche alla sapienza e altri attributi, è comune, uguale, identico e numericamente uno in tutte; mentre esse si distinguono e si oppongono secondo le loro relazioni reciproche. Teoria che, chiarendo la processione dello Spirito Santo principaliter, sì, dal Padre, ma anche dal Figlio, divenne importantissima per lo svolgimento della teologia occidentale, cui A. ha legato il carattere "cristocentrico", conforme alla tendenza fondamentale del suo pensiero, aggirantesi intorno alla persona e all'opera del Cristo ed alla redenzione dell'uomo dal peccato, mercé la grazia. Intorno a questi temi scoppiò la polemica con Pelagio, già scandalizzatosi in Roma per l'invocazione delle Confessioni a Dio: da quod iubes et iube quod vis e ora rifugiatosi in Africa con il suo compagno Celestio (che, denunciato da Paolino di Milano, venne condannato nel 411 da un concilio locale, a Cartagine). Si possono distinguere in essa varie fasi: quella iniziale, in cui A. combatte ancora soltanto le dottrine, non gli uomini, che sa molto stimati (De peccatorum meritis et remissione, a Marcellino, il l. III composto dopo che A. ebbe conosciuto il commento di Pelagio a s. Paolo; De spiritu et littera ad Marcellinum e, a complemento, per asserire la necessità delle opere buone accanto alla fede, De fide et operibus; nonché il De bono viduitatis, dedicato a Giuliana, madre di Demetriade, in occasione della monacazione di questa); quella della polemica diretta, provocata dalle vicende di Pelagio in Oriente fino alla condanna da parte del papa Innocenzo I (con la celebre affermazione che, dopo tanti concilî, anche Roma locuta est; causa finita est; utinam aliquando finiatur error) e, dopo il grande concilio di Cartagine (418) da papa Zosimo (De natura et gratia contra Pelagium, De perfectione iustitiae hominis, contro Celestio, De gestis Pelagii, De gratia Christi et peccato originali); quella della lotta contro i pertinaci difensori di Pelagio (De nuptiis et concupiscentia ad Valerium comitem, Contra duas epistolas Pelagianorum, Contra Iulianum, e Contra secundam Iuliani responsionem, il cosiddetto Opus imperfectum, contro lo stesso Giuliano di Eclano, interrotto per la morte di A.), intesa al tempo stesso a chiarire la sua dottrina ai monaci di Adrumeto (De gratia et libero arbitrio, e De correptione et gratia, dedicati all'abate Valentino) e a combattere i "semipelagiani" della Gallia meridionale, insorti contro questi scritti (De praedestinatione sanctorum e De dono perseverantiae). Questa dottrina agostiniana del peccato originale, della grazia e della predestinazione, precisatasi ma anche irrigiditasi e spinta alle estreme conseguenze nell'ardore della polemica, si è prestata a varie e contrastanti interpretazioni. A. prende le mosse dalla condizione di Adamo, creato esente dalla morte (posse non mori, diverso da non posse mori proprio degli esseri spirituali) e dalla concupiscenza, capace quindi di non peccare (il posse non peccare, diverso dal non posse peccare degli eletti), e nella piena libertà di optare per il bene conformandosi a una ragione che aveva il perfetto predominio sui sensi, capace altresì di perseverare nel bene, grazie all'aiuto (adiutorium sine quo non) concessogli da Dio. Avendo Adamo peccato, la sua colpa si trasmise all'intero genere umano, divenuto così massa damnata; peccato di origine, che A. dimostra, fra l'altro, in base all'uso della Chiesa di amministrare agli infanti il battesimo che annulla la concupiscenza in quanto reato, ma la lascia sopravvivere actu, così che l'uomo, pur conservando il libero arbitrio, è privato di quella libertas ... quae in Paradiso fuit (Enchir. 26-27). Per poter resistere cioè alla concupiscenza, occorre ora un aiuto divino maggiore di quello dato ad Adamo: la grazia è dunque necessaria per avere la fede, e questa perché vi sia quell'amore di Dio, in quanto sommo bene, senza di che non esiste né beatitudine né vera moralità (e non vi sono pertanto vere virtù fra i pagani). Ma questo soccorso (adiutorium quo) non è concesso a tutti: Dio, senza alcuna ingiustizia, ma per un suo gratuito atto di misericordia, prepara per alcuni i mezzi, pienamente efficaci, per condurli alla salvezza cui li ha predestinati ab aeterno. Accusato dai pelagiani di manicheismo, A. tuttavia, come si vede, non considera come malvagia la stessa natura umana, e non condanna la procreazione: nel matrimonio, il male è la concupiscentia carnis; e anche questo può essere rivolto a un fine buono, la generazione dei figli congiunta alla volontà della loro rigenerazione attraverso il battesimo. Ma i bambini morti senza di questo, secondo A., non si sottraggono alla pena eterna. Poiché la trasmissione del peccato originale si spiegava più facilmente mediante la teoria secondo cui l'anima è generata, spiritualmente, da quella dei genitori (traducianismo), mentre, più conforme alla sua dottrina dell'illuminazione, era l'altra teoria, della creazione di ogni anima da Dio (creazionismo), A. rimase incerto fino all'ultimo (De anima et eius origine, 419-20). E poiché è ignoto chi siano gli eletti, la concezione agostiniana della predestinazione coincide con quella della Chiesa come corpus permixtum (v. sopra). La scossa profonda data a tutto il mondo romano dall'incursione di Alarico, le querimonie dei pagani additanti nel cristianesimo la causa di tutti i mali del mondo, indussero A. a meditare sulla storia, e a scrivere l'altra delle sue opere maggiori e più celebri dopo le Confessioni: il De civitate Dei. Nel corso della storia procedono unite le due città (Civitas Dei e Civitas terrena), nate l'una dall'amor Dei usque ad contemptum sui, l'altra dall'amor sui usque ad contemptum Dei e predestinate, la prima a regnare in eterno con Dio, l'altra a subire l'eterno supplizio. Neppure quest'opera è, in fondo, davvero sistematica; cosciente dello sviluppo del proprio pensiero, A. sembra invitare i lettori a imitarlo nello sforzo di progredire: del resto volle egli stesso correggere i suoi errori (ma anche dimostrare, specie contro i manichei, la sua fondamentale coerenza) in quella originalissima rassegna dei suoi scritti che sono le Retractationes (426-27). Va menzionato ancora, breve e bellissimo compendio della dottrina cristiana, l'Enchiridium ad Laurentium (De fide, spe, charitate, 421); e va almeno accennato il valore letterario dei suoi scritti, specie delle Confessioni. Festa, 28 agosto. L'interesse educativo di A. non è limitato ai problemi pedagogici più dibattuti dalla Patristica, e cioè all'utilizzazione della cultura pagana nella formazione dei ragazzi, ed ai modi e metodi dell'educazione religiosa. Esso si connette piuttosto ad un tema filosofico fondamentale nella sua speculazione, quello della "verità interiore" e quindi con la dottrina dell'illuminazione. Il processo educativo consiste nel trarre alla luce la verità, nel ritrovare Dio-maestro nel profondo dell'anima (Christus intus docet). Il maestro vero è quindi solo Cristo, i maestri terreni non possono far altro che stimolare la riscoperta della verità stessa che è in noi come segno della presenza di Dio. Dal punto di vista didattico A. accoglie la necessaria propedeutica delle "arti liberali", ma la cultura per sé non è indispensabile, poiché le virtù cristiane si realizzano anche al di fuori di esse. Necessaria è invece la cultura religiosa da impartire anche alle menti più rozze: nel De catechizandis rudibus Agostino parla di tale opera educativa, ponendo in rilievo la funzione fondamentale che ha in essa l'amore con cui il maestro discende al livello dell'educando (così come Cristo ha fatto per l'uomo facendosi uomo) e vivifica anche gli aspetti più elementari e consueti del fatto educativo.

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