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By the Shores of Silver Lake 1
Quiz by Peggy Erickson
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Broken windows are covered. Floorboards are patched and doors screwed back on. The road that was ruined by German tanks is shovelled and raked smooth. Boot-shaped bruises turn yellow then fade and disappear. Flowers grow and spread across the ugly German footprints stomped into garden beds. The village looks pretty once more. School stops for the summer and everyone is put to work on the kolkhoz, the village farm. Women and big boys begin harvesting the barley crops in the outer fields. The biggest girls milk the cows, morning and night, and keep the barns clean. Old Nikolay mends ploughs, horse harnesses, pitchforks and scythes in his workshop. Anna Pushinka teaches Yelena and her friends how to get the honey from the beehives that are scattered through the orchards. I am in charge of collecting eggs. My friends Olga and Nina help. Olga and Nina are five, a year younger than me. They are twins and look exactly alike, except Ninaâs nose is a little bit crooked from when she fell out of bed and squashed it sideways on the floor. The hens, ducks and geese wander free in the summer, so collecting eggs is like a treasure hunt and takes hours. Catching the hens for their daily hugs takes even longer, but I think itâs important because hugs make everyone happy and happy hens lay bigger eggs. Olga says Iâm the best hen-hugger in all of Russia. Nina says Iâll be the best cow-hugger, too, when my arms grow longer. But good hugs have nothing to do with the size of your arms. Itâs all to do with the size of your heart. When we are done with the hens, Olga, Nina and I can spend the rest of the day doing whatever we like. We climb the apricot trees, chase squirrels, lie in the meadow marvelling at how hot Ushankaâs black fur becomes in the sunshine, make daisy chains and race little boats of bark in the stream. I teach Olga and Nina the alphabet and we use charcoal to write our letters and our names all over the village â on doors and walls and the freshly cut ends of firewood. In between, I practise my knots. In case the German princemonsters return. I slip into Old Nikolayâs workshop and tie knots in the harnesses hanging on the walls. I wander into gardens where the washing is hung out to dry and tie knots in the laces on pants and smocks. I creep up behind Anna Pushinka and tie knots in her apron strings. I find baling twine in the hay shed and tie my own ankles together. I do such a good job of these last knots that I canât get them undone. I have to jump all the way to Olga and Ninaâs house and ask them to cut me free with their mamaâs knife. At the end of each day, Ushanka and I run out into the distant barley fields to meet Mama. This is my favourite part of the day, because Mama always shouts, âLittle Rabbit!â and smothers my head with kisses. And as we walk home, we sing. Everyone â women, big boys and me. I love to sing. Almost as much as I love to be kissed by Mama. Sometimes one of the boys, Mikhail, has his balalaika with him. He takes the instrument out from beneath the sheaves of barley piled high on the wagon and plays music. We sing about forests and orchards and people who find their true love. As we walk home, arm in arm, my heart fills with happiness and my belly swells with pride that I am allowed to sing along with the big boys. And I can almost forget about the German prince-monsters and their lies about Russia and their big ugly boots. Almost. But today, when Mikhail reaches for his balalaika, I see other things hiding beneath the barley sheaves. Three of the mamas rush forward and cover them up, but itâs too late. I know they are there. Iâve already seen them. Rifles. Lots of rifles. Mikhail hugs his balalaika to his chest and blushes. âSo play!â cries Mama, her voice oddly loud and high. âLetâs play Sashaâs favourite song, âThe Little Birch Treeâ.â So Mikhail plays and everyone sings about the lovely birch tree with its curly leaves and the branches that will be turned into silver flutes. They sing too quickly, too loudly, and as they sing and walk, they cast nervous sideways glances at me. âItâs alright,â I say, when the song comes to an end. âI didnât see the rifles.â Mama nods and smiles, and I know it was the right thing to say. But I did see the rifles. And I think about Yelena wanting to get lots of guns and dynamite for the Partisans so they can shoot the Germans and blow them into thousands of tiny pieces, and Mama looking as though she agreed, and I know this is what the mamas and the big boys are doing. As well as harvesting, they are helping the Partisans. Three days later, I wake before dawn and I am all alone. Yelena is always here beside me when I wake. But not this morning. I climb down from our bed above the stove. Mama is filling a cloth sack with bread. She ties it closed with a piece of string and hands it to Yelena. âStay out of sight,â says Mama. âAnd donât return until after dark.â âWhereâs she going?â I ask. âNowhere,â snaps Mama. âThen why does she need all that bread?â I ask. âThereâs nothing left for us.â Mama baked four loaves last night and she has stuffed them all into the sack. Yelena opens her mouth, but before she can speak, Mama shoves her out the door and sends her on the way to nowhere. Mama turns and stares at me, her blue, blue cornflower eyes wide with worry. âI know,â I say, flopping down on the bench. âI didnât see any bread.â Mama sits beside me and takes my hand. âAnd . . .?â she prods, obviously waiting for more. I puzzle for a while, then say, âAnd I donât have a sister called Yelena.â Mama laughs, softly and with a little bit of sadness around the edges. âSweet Little Rabbit! You do have a sister called Yelena.â âI do?â I ask, now confused. âI havenât seen the rifles or the bread, but I have seen Yelena?â âYes.â Mama smiles and the magic makes me smile, too. And I am glad that Yelena is real because I love her very much. âYelena is real,â Mama explains, âbut she does not carry sacks of bread into the forest for the Partisans.â âOf course not!â I shout, slapping my forehead. âBecause there is no bread!â Mama laughs loudly now, with not a hint of sadness. She hugs me, pressing me against her warm, loving heart, covering my head with kisses. âClever Little Rabbit,â she murmurs, and then, in barely a whisper, âYour papa would be so proud.â When I wake the next morning, Yelena is sleeping beside me, her mouth open, her braided hair unravelling. Mama is serving kasha to a strange woman seated at our table. I crawl down from above the stove and slide along the bench beside her. I stare at her pants, her tunic, the rope she is using as a belt and her big boots. Sheâs dressed like a man! And thereâs a rifle leaning against the wall near the door. âHello,â I say. âIâm Sasha.â The woman doesnât reply. She just shovels down her kasha. I line my four wooden bears along the table in front of her bowl and say, âThese are my bears: Big Bear, Medium Bear, Little Bear and Even Littler Bear.â âHello, Sasha. Hello, bears.â She smiles but she doesnât tell me her name. âWhy are you dressed like a man?â I ask, tugging at the sleeve of her tunic. âBecause menâs clothes make it easier to run and climb and crawl and shoot,â she says. âYouâre a Partisan!â I gasp. âBut sheâs not real,â says Mama, placing a bowl of kasha before me. âIs the kasha real?â I ask. Mama laughs. âYes, Little Rabbit.â Iâm glad the food is real, because Iâm hungry. But Iâm disappointed that the woman is not real. I was going to ask if I could use her rope-belt to tie her ankles together. For practice. But if sheâs not real, then the rope and her ankles arenât either. The woman finishes her kasha, hangs her rifle over her shoulder, kisses Mama on the cheek then slips out the door. I run to the window to watch her leave, but by the time I get there, sheâs gone. Vanished. âBecause sheâs not real,â I whisper. A week later, Mama and I are working in the garden. We sing as we weed between the flowers and pluck caterpillars from the vegetables. Anna Pushinka is picking strawberries in her garden and wanders over. âTaste these,â she says, holding out the basket. Mama reaches in and takes out a fat strawberry and a tiny piece of folded paper. The strawberry goes into her mouth, the paper into her pocket. âWhatâs on the paper?â I ask. âPaper?â Anna Pushinka replies with a wave of her hand. âGoodness, Sasha! Who has money for paper? These are lean times. We must choose between paper for writing and noodles for our soup. And I always choose noodles.â She chuckles and I know the paper is yet another thing that is not real. That night, Mama slips the paper to Yelena, but she drops it on the floor. I pick it up for her, and I see that there are tiny words and numbers written all over it. I wish I could read better. Iâm desperate to know what it says. Or rather, what it doesnât say, because itâs not real. Later, when Mama has tucked us into our bed above the stove and Ushanka has wrapped herself around the top of my head, I ask Yelena, âWhatâs on the paper?â âWhat paper?â says Yelena. âThe paper that isnât real,â I reply. Yelena stares at me, nibbling her lip, then whispers, âA message for the Partisans. Stuff about where the Germans have their headquarters and when their trains are travelling and where they store their ammunition.â âWhy?â âSo the Partisans can blow them up.â Yelena grabs my arm. âBut donât tell anyone. Itâs a secret.â âWhatâs a secret?â I ask. âThe message.â âWhat message?â I say, my eyes wide. Yelena laughs. âGood boy, Sasha.â My belly swells with pride. I know how to play this game. âHow are your knots coming along?â asks Yelena. âGood! Yesterday, I crept into the dairy and tied knots in the apron strings of all the girls who were milking and only one of them noticed. Today, I tied Olgaâs ankles together with Mamaâs embroidery thread and just now, while you were taking a bath, I tied the sleeves of your blouse together in an enormous knot.â Yelena rolls her eyes, then says, âIâll see if I can find you some rope for practising.â âPractising what?â I ask. âYour knots,â she says. âWhat knots?â Yelena, my big sister who is twelve and always serious t
The collision of oceanic and continental crust as well as the collision of two oceanic crust results in the formation of trenches and volcanic arcs. This will also result in the generation of earthquakes, tsunamis and volcanic eruptions. Earthquakes are generated when a fault on the edges of the plates occurs. That is, part of the edges of the plate breaks. The breaking causes shaking on the plates that are felt on the surface. This shaking is what we call earthquakes. When part of the plate breaks during the collision, shifting of the ocean floor happens. During the shifting, energy is released. This energy pushes the ocean water above. When this ocean water reaches the shores, we call them tsunami. During subduction, as plates reach the mantle, it will eventually be melted as magma. When these magmas find a weak spot in the crust, it forms a volcano. This volcano erupts when the crust cannot withstand the pressure exerted by the magma.
Earthquakes are generated when a fault on the edges of the plates occurs. That is, part of the edges of the plate breaks. The breaking causes shaking on the plates that are felt on the surface. This shaking is what we call earthquakes. When part of the plate breaks during the collision, shifting of the ocean floor happens. During the shifting, energy is released. This energy pushes the ocean water above. When this ocean water reaches the shores, we call them tsunami. During subduction, as plates reach the mantle, it will eventually be melted as magma. When these magmas find a weak spot in the crust, it forms a volcano. This volcano erupts when the crust cannot withstand the pressure exerted by the magma. Earthquakes, tsunami and eruption of volcanoes are natural disasters brought by the activity of the subduction zone. These natural disasters may cause the loss of lives, damage to properties, displacement to other areas, and livelihood.
MYTH The British helped the Jews displace the native Arab population of Palestine. FACT Herbert Samuel, a British Jew who served as the first High Commissioner of Palestine, placed restrictions on Jewish immigration âin the âinterests of the present populationâ and the âabsorptive capacityâ of the country.â1 The influx of Jewish settlers was said to force the Arab fellahin (native peasants) from their land. This was when less than a million people lived in an area that now supports more than nine million. The British limited the absorptive capacity of Palestine when, in 1921, Colonial Secretary Winston Churchill severed nearly four-fifths of Palestineâsome thirty-five thousand square milesâto create a new Arab entity, Transjordan. As a consolation prize for the Hejaz and Arabia (which are both now Saudi Arabia) going to the Saud family, Churchill rewarded Sharif Husseinâs son Abdullah for his contribution to the war against Turkey by installing him as Transjordanâs emir. The British went further and placed restrictions on Jewish land purchases in what remained of Palestine. By 1949, the British had allotted 87,500 acres of the 187,500 acres of cultivable land to Arabs and only 4,250 acres to Jews. This contradicted Article 6 of the Mandate which stated that âthe Administration of PalestineâŚshall encourage, in cooperation with the Jewish AgencyâŚclose settlement by Jews on the land, including State lands and waste lands not acquired for public purposes.â2 Ultimately, the British admitted that the argument about the countryâs absorptive capacity was specious. The Peel Commission said, âThe heavy immigration in the years 1933â36 would seem to show that the Jews have been able to enlarge the absorptive capacity of the country for Jews.â3 MYTH The British allowed Jews to flood Palestine while Arab immigration was tightly controlled. FACT The British response to Jewish immigration set a precedent of appeasing the Arabs, which was followed for the duration of the Mandate. The British restricted Jewish immigration while allowing Arabs to enter the country freely. Apparently, London did not feel that a flood of Arab immigrants would affect the countryâs âabsorptive capacity.â During World War I, the Jewish population in Palestine declined because of the war, famine, disease, and expulsion by the Turks. In 1915, approximately 83,000 Jews lived in Palestine among 590,000 Muslim and Christian Arabs. According to the 1922 census, the Jewish population was 83,000, while the Arabs numbered 643,000.4 Thus, the Arab population grew exponentially while that of the Jews stagnated. In the mid-1920s, Jewish immigration to Palestine increased primarily because of anti-Jewish economic legislation in Poland and Washingtonâs imposition of restrictive quotas.5 The record number of immigrants in 1935 (see table) was a response to the growing persecution of Jews in Nazi Germany. The British administration considered this number too large, however, so the Jewish Agency was informed that less than one-third of the quota it asked for would be approved in 1936.6 The British gave in further to Arab demands by announcing in the 1939 White Paper that an independent Arab state would be created within ten years and that Jewish immigration was to be limited to 75,000 for the next five years, after which it was to cease altogether. It also forbade land sales to Jews in 95% of the territory of Palestine. The Arabs, nevertheless, rejected the proposal. Jewish Immigration to Palestine7 1919 1,806 1931 4,075 1920 8,223 1932 12,533 1921 8,294 1933 37,337 1922 8,685 1934 45,267 1923 8,175 1935 66,472 1924 13,892 1936 29,595 1925 34,386 1937 10,629 1926 13,855 1938 14,675 1927 3,034 1939 31,195 1928 2,178 1940 10,643 1929 5,249 1941 4,592 1930 4,944 By contrast, throughout the Mandatory period, Arab immigration was unrestricted. In 1930, the Hope Simpson Commission, sent from London to investigate the 1929 Arab riots, said the British practice of ignoring the uncontrolled illegal Arab immigration from Egypt, Transjordan, and Syria had the effect of displacing the prospective Jewish immigrants.8 The British governor of the Sinai from 1922 to 1936 observed, âThis illegal immigration was not only going on from the Sinai, but also from Transjordan and Syria, and it is very difficult to make a case out for the misery of the Arabs if at the same time their compatriots from adjoining states could not be kept from going in to share that misery.â9 The Peel Commission reported in 1937 that the âshortfall of land isâŚdue less to the amount of land acquired by Jews than to the increase in the Arab population.â10 MYTH The British changed their policy to allow Holocaust survivors to settle in Palestine. FACT The gates of Palestine remained closed for the duration of the war, stranding hundreds of thousands of Jews in Europe, many of whom became victims of Hitlerâs âFinal Solution.â After the war, the British refused to allow the survivors of the Nazi nightmare to find sanctuary in Palestine. On June 6, 1946, President Truman urged the British government to relieve the suffering of the Jews confined to displaced persons camps in Europe by immediately accepting 100,000 Jewish immigrants. Britainâs foreign minister Ernest Bevin replied sarcastically that the United States wanted displaced Jews to immigrate to Palestine âbecause they did not want too many of them in New York.â11 Some Jews reached Palestine, many smuggled in on dilapidated ships organized by the Haganah. Between August 1945 and the establishment of the State of Israel in May 1948, sixty-five âillegalâ immigrant ships, carrying 69,878 people, arrived from European shores. In August 1946, however, the British began to intern those they caught in camps on Cyprus. Approximately 50,000 people were detained in the camps, and 28,000 remained imprisoned when Israel declared independence.12 MYTH As the Jewish population grew, the plight of the Palestinian Arabs worsened. FACT In July 1921, Hasan Shukri, the mayor of Haifa and president of the Muslim National Associations, sent a telegram to the British government in reaction to a delegation of Palestinians that went to London to try to stop the implementation of the Balfour Declaration. Shukri wrote: We are certain that without Jewish immigration and financial assistance there will be no future development of our country as may be judged from the fact that the towns inhabited in part by Jews such as Jerusalem, Jaffa, Haifa, and Tiberias are making steady progress while Nablus, Acre, and Nazareth where no Jews reside are steadily declining.13 The Jewish population increased by 470,000 between World War I and World War II, while the non-Jewish population rose by 588,000.14 The permanent Arab population increased by 120% between 1922 and 1947.15 This rapid growth of the Arab population was a result of several factors. One was immigration from neighboring statesâconstituting 37% of the total immigration to pre-state Israelâby Arabs who wanted to take advantage of the higher standard of living the Jews had made possible.16 The Arab population also grew because of the improved living conditions created by the Jews as they drained malarial swamps and brought improved sanitation and health care to the region. Thus, for example, the Muslim infant mortality rate fell from 201 per thousand in 1925 to 94 per thousand in 1945, and life expectancy rose from 37 years in 1926 to 49 in 1943.17 The Arab population increased the most in cities where large Jewish populations had created new economic opportunities. From 1922â1947, the non-Jewish population increased by 290% in Haifa, 131% in Jerusalem, and 158% in Jaffa. The growth in Arab towns was more modest: 42% in Nablus, 78% in Jenin, and 37% in Bethlehem.18 MYTH Jews stole Arab land. FACT Despite the growth in their population, the Arabs continued to assert they were being displaced. From the beginning of World War I, however, part of Palestineâs land was owned by absentee landlords who lived in Cairo, Damascus, and Beirut. About 80% of the Palestinian Arabs were debt-ridden peasants, semi-nomads, and Bedouins.19 Jews went out of their way to avoid purchasing land in areas where Arabs might be displaced. They sought land that was largely uncultivated, swampy, cheap, andâmost importantâwithout tenants. In 1920, Labor Zionist leader David Ben-Gurion expressed his concern about the Arab fellahin, whom he viewed as âthe most important asset of the native population.â He insisted that âunder no circumstances must we touch land belonging to fellahs or worked by them.â Instead, he advocated helping liberate them from their oppressors. âOnly if a fellah leaves his place of settlement,â Ben-Gurion added, âshould we offer to buy his land, at an appropriate price.â20 Jews only began to purchase cultivated land after buying all the uncultivated territory. Many Arabs were willing to sell because of the migration to coastal towns and because they needed money to invest in the citrus industry.21 When John Hope Simpson arrived in Palestine in May 1930, he observed, âThey [the Jews] paid high prices for the land and, in addition, they paid to certain of the occupants of those lands a considerable amount of money which they were not legally bound to pay.â22 In 1931, Lewis French conducted a survey of landlessness for the British government and offered new plots to any Arabs who had been âdispossessed.â British officials received more than 3,000 applications, of which 80% were ruled invalid by the governmentâs legal adviser because the applicants were not landless Arabs. This left only about 600 landless Arabs, 100 of whom accepted the government land offer.23 In April 1936, a new outbreak of Arab attacks on Jews was instigated by local Palestinian leaders who were later joined by Arab volunteers led by a Syrian guerrilla named Fawzi al-Qawuqji, the commander of the Arab Liberation Army. By November, when the British finally sent a new commission headed by Lord Peel to investigate, 89 Jews had been killed and more than 300 wounded.24 The Peel Commissionâs report found that Arab complaints about Jewish land acquisition were baseless. It pointed out that âmuch of the land now carrying orange groves was sand dunes or swamp and uncultivated when it was purchasedâŚThere was at the time of the earlier sales little evidence that the owners possessed either the resources or training needed to develop the land.â25 Moreover, the Commission found the shortage was âdue less to the amount of land acquired by Jews than to the increase in the Arab population.â The report concluded that the presence of Jews in Palestine, along with the work of the British administration, had resulted in higher wages, an improved standard of living, and ample employment opportunities.26 It is made quite clear to all, both by the map drawn up by the Simpson Commission and by another compiled by the Peel Commission, that the Arabs are as prodigal in selling their land as they are in useless wailing and weeping (emphasis in the original). âTransjordanâs king Abdullah27 Even at the height of the Arab revolt in 1938 (which began in April 1936 with the murder of two Jews by Arabs and the subsequent murder of two Arab workers by members of the Jewish underground28), the British high commissioner to Palestine believed the Arab landowners were complaining about sales to Jews to drive up prices for lands they wished to sell. Many Arab landowners had been so terrorized by Arab rebels they decided to leave Palestine and sell their property to the Jews.29 The Jews paid exorbitant prices to wealthy landowners for small tracts of arid land. âIn 1944, Jews paid between $1,000 and $1,100 per acre in Palestine, mostly for arid or semiarid land; in the same year, rich black soil in Iowa was selling for about $110 per acre.â30 By 1947, Jewish holdings in Palestine amounted to about 463,000 acres. Approximately 45,000 were acquired from the mandatory government, 30,000 were bought from various churches, and 387,500 were purchased from Arabs. Analyses of land purchases from 1880 to 1948 show that 73% of Jewish plots were purchased from large landowners, not poor fellahin.31 Many leaders of the Arab nationalist movement, including members of the Muslim Supreme Council, and the mayors of Gaza, Jerusalem, and s sold land to the Jews. Asâad el-Shuqeiri, a Muslim religious scholar and father of Palestine Liberation Organization chairman Ahmed Shuqeiri, took Jewish money for his land. Even King Abdullah leased land to the Jews.32 MYTH The British helped the Palestinians to live peacefully with the Jews. FACT In 1921, Haj Amin el-Husseini first began to organize fedayeen (âone who sacrifices himselfâ) to terrorize Jews. El-Husseini hoped to duplicate the success of Kemal AtatĂźrk in Turkey by driving the Jews out of Palestine just as Kemal had driven the invading Greeks from his country.33 Arab radicals gained influence because the British administration was unwilling to take effective action against them until they began a revolt against British rule. Colonel Richard Meinertzhagen, former head of British military intelligence in Cairo, and later chief political officer for Palestine and Syria, wrote in his diary that British officials âincline towards the exclusion of Zionism in Palestine.â The British encouraged the Palestinians to attack the Jews. According to Meinertzhagen, Col. Bertie Harry Waters-Taylor (financial adviser to the military administration in Palestine 1919â23) met with el-Husseini in 1920, a few days before Easter, and told him that âhe had a great opportunity at Easter to show the worldâŚthat Zionism was unpopular not only with the Palestine administration but in Whitehall.â He added that âif disturbances of sufficient violence occurred in Jerusalem at Easter, both General [Louis] Bols [chief administrator in Palestine, 1919â20] and General [Edmund] Allenby [commander of the Egyptian force, 1917â19, then high commissioner of Egypt] would advocate the abandonment of the Jewish Home. Waters-Taylor explained that freedom could only be attained through violence.â34 El-Husseini took the colonelâs advice and instigated a riot. The British withdrew their troops and the Jewish police from Jerusalem, allowing the Arab mob to attack Jews and loot their shops. Because of el-Husseiniâs overt role in instigating the pogrom, the British decided to arrest him. He escaped, however, and was sentenced to ten years in absentia. A year later, some British Arabists convinced High Commissioner Herbert Samuel to pardon el-Husseini and to appoint him Mufti (a cleric in charge of Jerusalemâs Islamic holy places). By contrast, Vladimir Jabotinsky and several followers, who had formed a Jewish defense organization during the unrest, were sentenced to 15 years. They were released a few months later.35 Samuel met with el-Husseini on April 11, 1921, and was assured âthat the influences of his family and himself would be devoted to tranquility.â Three weeks later, riots in Jaffa and elsewhere left forty-three Jews dead.36 El-Husseini consolidated his power and took control of all Muslim religious funds in Palestine. He used his authority to gain control over the mosques, the schools, and the courts. No Arab could reach an influential position without being loyal to the Mufti. His power was so absolute that âno Muslim in Palestine could be born or die without being beholden to Haj Amin.â37 The Muftiâs henchmen also ensured he would have no opposition by systematically killing Palestinians who discussed cooperation with the Jews from rival clans. As the spokesman for Palestinian Arabs, el-Husseini did not ask that Britain grant them independence. On the contrary, in a letter to Churchill in 1921, he demanded that Palestine be reunited with Syria and Transjordan.38 The Arabs found rioting an effective political tool because of the lax British response toward violence against Jews. In handling each riot, the British prevented Jews from protecting themselves but made little effort to prevent the Arabs from attacking them. After each outbreak, a British commission of inquiry would try to establish the cause of the violence. The conclusion was always the same: The Arabs feared being displaced by the Jews. To stop the rioting, the commissions would recommend that restrictions be placed on Jewish immigration. Thus, the Arabs learned they could always stop the influx of Jews by staging riots. This cycle began after a series of riots in May 1921. After failing to protect the Jewish community from Arab mobs, the British appointed the Haycraft Commission to investigate the cause of the violence. Although the panel concluded the Arabs had been the aggressors, it rationalized the cause of the attack: âThe fundamental cause of the riots was a feeling among the Arabs of discontent with, and hostility to, the Jews, due to political and economic causes, and connected with Jewish immigration, and with their conception of Zionist policy.â39 One consequence of the violence was the institution of a temporary ban on Jewish immigration. The Arab fear of being âdisplacedâ or âdominatedâ was an excuse for their attacks on Jewish settlers. Note, too, that these riots were not inspired by nationalistic fervorânationalists would have rebelled against their British overlordsâthey were motivated by economics, the radical Islamic views of the Mufti, and misunderstanding. In 1929, Arab provocateurs convinced the masses that the Jews had designs on the Temple Mount (a tactic still used today to incite violence). A Jewish religious observance at the Western Wall, which forms a part of the Temple Mount, served as a pretext for rioting by Arabs against Jews, which spilled out of Jerusalem into other villages and towns, including Safed and Hebron. Again, the British administration made no effort to prevent the violence, and, after it began, the British did nothing to protect the Jewish population. After six days of mayhem, the British finally brought troops in to quell the disturbance. By this time, most of Hebronâs Jews had fled or been killed. In all, 133 Jews were killed and 399 wounded in the pogroms.40 After the riots, the British ordered an investigation, resulting in the Passfield White Paper. It said the âimmigration, land purchase and settlement policies of the Zionist Organization were already or were likely to become, prejudicial to Arab interests. It understood the mandatory governmentâs obligation to the non-Jewish community to mean that Palestineâs resources must be primarily reserved for the growing Arab economy.â41 This meant it was necessary to restrict Jewish immigration and land purchases. MYTH The Mufti was not a Nazi collaborator. FACT In 1941, Haj Amin al-Husseini, the Mufti of Jerusalem, fled to Germany and met with Adolf Hitler, Heinrich Himmler, Joachim Von Ribbentrop, and other Nazi leaders. He wanted to persuade them to extend the Nazisâ anti-Jewish program to the Arab world. The Mufti sent Hitler fifteen drafts of declarations he wanted Germany and Italy to make concerning the Middle East. One called on the two countries to declare the illegality of the Jewish home in Palestine. He also asked the Axis powers to âaccord to Palestine and to other Arab countries the right to solve the problem of the Jewish elements in Palestine and other Arab countries in accordance with the interest of the Arabs, and by the same method that the question is now being settled in the Axis countries.â42 In November 1941, the Mufti met with Hitler, who told him the Jews were his foremost enemy. The Nazi dictator rebuffed the Muftiâs requests for a declaration in support of the Arabs, however, telling him the time was not right. The Mufti offered Hitler his âthanks for the sympathy which he had always shown for the Arab and especially Palestinian cause, and to which he had given clear expression in his public speeches.â He added, âThe Arabs were Germanyâs natural friends because they had the same enemies as had Germany, namelyâŚthe Jews.â Hitler told the Mufti he opposed the creation of a Jewish state and that Germanyâs objective was destroying the Jewish element in the Arab sphere.43 In 1945, Yugoslavia sought to indict the Mufti as a war criminal for his role in recruiting twenty thousand Muslim volunteers for the SS, who participated in the killing of Jews in Croatia and Hungary. He escaped French detention in 1946, however, and continued his fight against the Jews from Cairo and later Beirut where he died in 1974. MYTH The bombing of the King David Hotel was part of a deliberate terror campaign against civilians. FACT British troops seized the Jewish Agency compound on June 29, 1946, and confiscated large quantities of documents. At about the same time, more than 2,500 Jews from all over Palestine were arrested. A week later, news of a massacre of 40 Jews in a pogrom in Poland reminded the Jews of Palestine how Britainâs restrictive immigration policy had condemned thousands to death. In response to the British provocations, and a desire to demonstrate that the Jewsâ spirit could not be broken, the United Resistance Movement planned to bomb the King David Hotel, which housed the British military command and the Criminal Investigation Division in addition to hotel guests. The Haganah pulled out of the plot and left it up to the Irgun. Irgun leader Menachem Begin stressed his desire to avoid civilian casualties and the plan was to warn the British so they would evacuate the building before it was blown up. Three telephone calls were placed on July 22, 1946, one to the hotel, another to the French Consulate, and a third to the Palestine Post warning that explosives in the King David Hotel would soon be detonated. The call to the hotel was received and ignored. Begin quotes one British official who supposedly refused to evacuate the building, saying, âWe donât take orders from the Jews.â44 As a result, when the bombs exploded, the casualty toll was high: 91 killed and 45 injured. Among the casualties were 15 Jews. Few people in the main part of the hotel were injured.45 For decades, the British denied they had been warned. In 1979, however, a member of the British Parliament provided the testimony of a British officer who heard other officers in the King David Hotel bar joking about a Zionist threat to the headquarters. The officer who overheard the conversation immediately left the hotel and survived.46 In contrast to Arab attacks against Jews, which Arab leaders hailed as heroic actions, the Jewish National Council denounced the bombing of the King David.47 1 Aharon Cohen, Israel and the Arab World, (NY: Funk and Wagnalls, 1970), p. 172
Can you make a multiple choice of test questions regarding this information given which is Curriculum from Different Points of View There are many definitions of curriculum. Because of this, the concept of curriculum is sometimes characterized as fragmentary, elusive and confusing. However, the numerous definitions indicate dynamism that connotes diverse interpretations of what curriculum is all about. The definitions are influenced by models of thought, pedagogies, political as well as cultural experiences. Let us study some of these definitions. 1. Traditional Points of View of Curriculum In early years of the 20th century, the traditional concepts held of the âcurriculum is that it is a body of subjects or subject matter prepaid by the teachers for the studentâs to learnâ. It was synonymous to the âcourse of studyâ and âsyllabusâ Robert M. Hutchins views curriculum as âpermanent studiesâ where the rules of grammar, reading, rhetoric and logic and mathematics for basic education are emphasized. Basic education should emphasize the 3 Rs and college education should be grounded on liberal education. On the other, Arthur Bestor as an essentialist, believes that the mission of the school should be intellectual training, hence curriculum should focus on the fundamental intellectual disciplines of grammar, literature and writing. It should also include mathematics, science, history and foreign language. The definition leads us to the view of Joseph Schwab that discipline is the sole source of curriculum. Thus in our education system, curriculum is divided into chunks of knowledge we call subject areas in basic education such as English, Mathematics, Science, Social Studies and others. In college, discipline may include humanities, sciences, language and many more. To Phoenix, curriculum should consist entirely of knowledge which comes from various disciplines. Academic discipline became the view of what curriculum is after the cold war and the race to space. Joseph Schwab, a leading curriculum theorist coined the term discipline as a ruling doctrine for curriculum development. Curriculum should consist only of knowledge which comes from disciplines which is the sole source. Thus curriculum can be viewed as a field of study. It is made up of its foundations (philosophical, historical, psychological and social foundations); domains of knowledge as well as its research theories and principles. Curriculum is taken as scholarly and theoretical. It is concerned with broad historical, philosophical and social issues and academics. Most of the traditional ideas view curriculum as written documents or a plan of action in accomplishing goals. 2. Progressive Points of View of Curriculum On the other hand, to a progressivist, a listing of school subjects, syllabi, course of study, and a list of courses or specific discipline do not make a curriculum. These can only be called curriculum if the written materials are actualized by the learner. Broadly speaking, curriculum is defined as the total learning experiences of the individual. This definition is anchored on John Deweyâs definition of experience and education. He believed that reflective thinking is a means that unifies curricular elements. Thought is not derived from action but tested by application. Caswell and Campbell viewed curriculum as âall experiences children have under the guidance of teachersâ. This definition is shared by Smith, Stanley and Shores when they defined âcurriculum as a sequence of potential experiences set up in the schools for the purpose of disciplining children and youth in group ways of thinking and actingâ. Marsh and Willis on the other hand view curriculum as all the âexperiences in the classroom which are planned and enacted by the teacher, and also learned by the studentsâ. Points of View on Curriculum Development From the various definitions and concepts presented, it is clear that curriculum is a dynamic process. Development connotes changes which are systematic. A change for the better means any alteration, modification or improvement of existing condition. To produce positive changes, development should be purposeful, planned and progressive. This is how curriculum evolves. Let us look at the two models of curriculum development and concepts of Ralph Tyler and Hilda Taba. Ralph Tyler Model: Four Basic Principles. This is also popularly known as Tylerâs Rationale. He posited four fundamental questions or principles in examining any curriculum in schools. These four fundamental principles are as follows: 1. What educational purposes should the school seek to attain? 2. What educational experiences can be provided that are likely to attain these purposes? 3. How can these educational experiences be effectively organized? 4. How can we determine whether these purposes are being attained or not? In summary, Tylerâs Model show that in curriculum development, the following considerations should be made: (1) Purpose of the school, (2) Educational experiences related to the purposes, (3) Organization of the experiences, and (4) Evaluation of the experiences. On the other hand, Hilda Taba improved on Tylerâs Rationale by making a linear model. She believed that teachers who teach or implement the curriculum should participate in developing it. Her advocacy was commonly called the grassroots approach. She presented seven major steps to her model where teachers could have a major input. These steps are as follows: 1. Diagnosis of learnerâs needs and expectations of the larger society. 2. Formulation of learning objectives. 3. Selection of learning content. 4. Organization of learning content. 5. Selection of learning experiences. 6. Organization of learning activities. 7. Determination of what to evaluate and the means of doing it. Thus as you look into curriculum models, the three interacting processes in curriculum development are planning, implementing and evaluating. Types of Curriculum Operating in Schools From the various concepts given, Allan Glatthorn(2000) describes seven types of curriculum operating in the schools. These are (1) Recommended curriculum- proposed by scholars and professional organizations. (2) Written Curriculum- appears in school, district, division or country documents. (3) Taught Curriculum- what teacherâs implement or deliver in the classrooms and schools. (4) Supported Curriculum- resources-textbooks, computers, audio- visual materials which support and help in the implementation of the curriculum. (5) Assessed Curriculum- that which is tested and evaluated. (6) Learned Curriculum- which the students actually learn and what is measured and (7) Hidden Curriculum- the unintended curriculum. 1. Recommended Curriculum- Most of the school curricula are recommended. The curriculum may come from a national agency like the Department of Education, Commission on Higher Education (CHED), Department of Science and Technology (DOST) or any professional organization who has stake in education. For example the Philippine Association for Teacher Education (PAFTE) or the Biology Teacher Association (BIOTA) may recommend a curriculum to be implemented in the elementary or secondary education. 2. Written Curriculum- This includes documents, course of study or syllabi handed down to the schools, districts, division, departments or colleges for implementation. Most of the written curricula are made by curriculum experts with participation of teachers. These were pilot-tested or tried out in sample schools or population. Example of this is the Basic Education Curriculum (BEC). Another example is the written lesson plan of each classroom teacher made up of objectives and planned activities of the teacher. 3. Taught Curriculum- The different planned activities which are put into action in the classroom compose the taught curriculum. These are varied activities that are implemented in order to arrive at the objectives or purposes of the written curriculum. These are used by the learners with the guidance of teachers. Taught curriculum varies according to the learning styles of students and the teaching styles of teachers. 4. Supported Curriculum- In order to have a successful teaching, other than the teacher, there must be materials which should support or help in the implementation of a written curriculum. These refer to the support curriculum that includes material resources such as textbooks, computers, audio-visual materials, laboratory equipment, playgrounds, zoos and other facilities. Support curriculum should enable each learner to achieve real and lifelong learning. 5. Assessed Curriculum- This refers to a tested or evaluated curriculum. At the duration and end of the teaching episodes, series of evaluations are being done by the teachers to determine the extent of teaching or to tell if the students are progressing. This refers to the assessed curriculum. Assessment tools like pencil-and-paper tests, authentic instruments like portfolio are being utilized. 6. Learned Curriculum- This refers the learning outcomes achieved by the students. Learning outcomes are indicated by the results of the tests and changes in behavior which can either be cognitive, affective or psychomotor. 7. Hidden Curriculum- This is the unintended curriculum which is not deliberately planned but may modify behavior or influenced learning outcomes. There are lots of hidden curricula that transpire in the schools. Peer influence, school environment, physical condition, teacher-learner interaction, mood of the teachers and many other factors made up the hidden curriculum.
A shoemaker, by no fault of his own, had become so poor that at last he had nothing left but leather for one pair of shoes. So in the evening, he cut out the shoes which he wished to begin to make the next morning, and as he had a good conscience, he lay down quietly in his bed, commended himself to God, and fell asleep. In the morning, after he had said his prayers, and was just going to sit down to work, the two shoes stood quite finished on his table. He was astounded, and knew not what to say to it. He took the shoes in his hands to observe them closer, and they were so neatly made that there was not one bad stitch in them, just as if they were intended as a masterpiece. Soon after, a buyer came in, and as the shoes pleased him so well, he paid more for them than was customary, and, with the money, the shoemaker was able to purchase leather for two pairs of shoes. He cut them out at night, and next morning was about to set to work with fresh courage; but he had no need to do so, for, when he got up, they were already made, and buyers also were not wanting, who gave him money enough to buy leather for four pairs of shoes. The following morning, too, he found the four pairs made; and so it went on constantly, what he cut out in the evening was finished by the morning, so that he soon had his honest independence again, and at last became a wealthy man. Now it befell that one evening not long before Christmas, when the man had been cutting out, he said to his wife, before going to bed, "What think you if we were to stay up to-night to see who it is that lends us this helping hand?" The woman liked the idea, and lighted a candle, and then they hid themselves in a corner of the room, behind some clothes which were hanging up there, and watched. When it was midnight, two pretty little naked men came, sat down by the shoemaker's table, took all the work which was cut out before them and began to stitch, and sew, and hammer so skilfully and so quickly with their little fingers that the shoemaker could not turn away his eyes for astonishment. They did not stop until all was done, and stood finished on the table, and they ran quickly away. Next morning the woman said, "The little men have made us rich, and we really must show that we are grateful for it. They run about so, and have nothing on, and must be cold. I'll tell thee what I'll do: I will make them little shirts, and coats, and vests, and trousers, and knit both of them a pair of stockings, and do thou, too, make them two little pairs of shoes." The man said, "I shall be very glad to do it;" and one night, when everything was ready, they laid their presents all together on the table instead of the cut-out work, and then concealed themselves to see how the little men would behave. At midnight they came bounding in, and wanted to get to work at once, but as they did not find any leather cut out, but only the pretty little articles of clothing, they were at first astonished, and then they showed intense delight. They dressed themselves with the greatest rapidity, putting the pretty clothes on, and singing, "Now we are boys so fine to see, Why should we longer cobblers be?" Then they danced and skipped and leapt over chairs and benches. At last they danced out of doors. From that time forth they came no more, but as long as the shoemaker lived all went well with him, and all his undertakings prospered.
Long Call Option Trading Strategy: Learn the Basics LONG CALL SUMMARY Purchasing a call option is a bullish strategy that gives the buyer the right, but not the obligation, to buy 100 shares of the underlying asset at a specified strike price on or before the expiration date. This strategy is typically employed when an investor believes that the price of the underlying asset will increase in the future. The value of a call option is influenced by several factors, including the underlying asset's price, the strike price, the time to expiration, and implied volatility. As the price of the underlying asset increases and approaches or breaches the long call's strike price, the option's value will appreciate. This is because the option holder has the right to buy the underlying asset at a lower price than the current market price, resulting in a potential profit. Out-of-the-money (OTM) calls have a strike price that is higher than the current market price of the underlying asset. These options are typically cheaper than in-the-money (ITM) calls, which have a strike price lower than the current market price. ITM calls have intrinsic value, which is the difference between the strike price and the current market price, and extrinsic value, which is the additional premium paid for the option's time value. Extrinsic value decays over time as the option approaches expiration, and this can cause the option to lose value, especially if the underlying asset does not move towards the strike price. LONG CALL OPTION Purchasing a call option grants you the privilege, but not the responsibility, to buy 100 shares of the underlying asset at the specified strike price on or before the expiration date. This option grants you the flexibility to capitalize on potential price increases of the underlying asset. The value of a call option is positively correlated with the price of the underlying asset. As the price of the stock or ETF rises and approaches your strike price, the value of your call option increases. This is because the difference between the market price and the strike price widens, giving you a greater potential profit. This characteristic makes call options suitable for bullish strategies where investors anticipate price increases. Conversely, the value of a call option diminishes when the price of the underlying asset drops or remains constant. Time decay, which refers to the gradual loss of an option's value as its expiration date approaches, also contributes to the depreciation of call options. Over time, the intrinsic value of the option, which represents the difference between the strike price and the underlying asset's market price, decreases as the option nears expiration. Additionally, if the price of the underlying asset remains below the strike price, the option may expire worthless, resulting in a total loss of the premium paid. Understanding these dynamics is crucial when trading call options. It allows you to make informed decisions about when to enter and exit positions, taking into account factors such as the underlying asset's price movements, time decay, and market sentiment. Buying call options can provide an alternative strategy to gain long exposure to a stock's price movement without the need for purchasing shares directly. This approach, known as a long call position, offers the potential advantage of lower capital outlay compared to buying shares outright. However, it's crucial to understand the concept of time decay, which significantly impacts the value of long call options. Time decay refers to the gradual decrease in the value of an option as time passes. This phenomenon occurs due to two primary factors: theta and vega. Theta measures the rate at which an option's value decays over time, while vega measures the sensitivity of an option's price to changes in implied volatility. As the expiration date of the call option approaches, both theta and vega work together to erode the option's value. Consequently, to offset the impact of time decay, the underlying stock price must rise at a greater velocity towards the call option's strike price. This is because the intrinsic value of a call option, which represents the difference between the strike price and the underlying stock's current market price, increases as the stock price moves higher. Another important consideration when evaluating call options is the distinction between out-of-the-money (OTM) and in-the-money (ITM) calls. OTM calls have a strike price higher than the current market price of the underlying stock, while ITM calls have a strike price lower than the current market price. OTM calls are typically less expensive than ITM calls because their value is composed entirely of extrinsic value. Extrinsic value refers to the portion of an option's price that is not attributable to its intrinsic value. ITM calls, on the other hand, have both intrinsic and extrinsic value, resulting in a higher cost per contract. As time relentlessly marches forward, the value of call options undergoes a transformation. The extrinsic value, which represents the premium paid for the potential of future price movements, steadily diminishes as expiration approaches. This decay is universal, affecting all call options regardless of their initial strike price or distance from the underlying asset's current price. However, amidst this gradual erosion of extrinsic value, ITM (in-the-money) call options stand as an exception. These options retain their intrinsic value at expiration, which is the difference between the strike price and the underlying asset's price. This characteristic sets ITM call options apart from their OTM (out-of-the-money) counterparts, whose extrinsic value decays entirely to zero near or at expiration. The distinction between ITM and OTM call options underscores the significance of carefully considering both the time frame and strike price when making investment decisions. Traders seeking to maximize their potential gains through call options must be mindful of the impending decay of extrinsic value as expiration draws near. For long ITM call options, the ideal scenario is for the underlying asset to exhibit a significant upward movement. Such a price increase would enhance the intrinsic value of the option, making it worth more at expiration than the initial purchase price. This scenario holds true for OTM call options as well, as they require the underlying asset to move ITM at expiration to possess any value. Prior to expiration, both OTM and ITM call options have the potential to gain a combination of extrinsic and intrinsic value if the stock exhibits a rapid upward trajectory. This dynamic underscores the importance of monitoring market conditions and adjusting investment strategies accordingly. Understanding the Interplay of Time, Strike Price, and Option Value in Call Option Trading: In the realm of call option trading, comprehending the intricate interplay between time, strike price, and option value is paramount to success. These three factors collectively shape the dynamics of call option contracts, allowing traders to make informed decisions and capitalize on market opportunities. Time (Days to Expiration): Time, measured in days until expiration, is a crucial element in call option trading. As expiration approaches, the value of a call option is directly influenced by the time premium. The closer an option gets to expiration, the less time value it holds. This time decay accelerates in the final days leading up to expiration. Therefore, traders must carefully consider the time factor when selecting their expiration dates. Strike Price: The strike price represents the predetermined price at which the underlying asset can be bought (in the case of a call option) or sold (in the case of a put option). When choosing a strike price, traders must assess the current market price of the underlying asset and make an educated guess about its future direction. ITM (In-the-Money) call options are those with a strike price below the current market price, while OTM (Out-of-the-Money) call options have a strike price above the current market price. Option Value: Option value refers to the premium paid by the buyer of an option contract to the seller. This premium comprises two components: intrinsic value and time value. Intrinsic value is the difference between the strike price and the underlying asset's current market price. Time value, as mentioned earlier, is the premium paid for the remaining time until expiration. Auto-Exercise and Expiration Scenarios: Auto-Exercise: Long call options that expire ITM by $0.01 or more will be automatically exercised. This means that the buyer of the call option has the right to purchase the underlying asset at the strike price. If the investor holds only a long call, this will result in 100 long shares per contract purchased at the call option's strike price. On the other hand, investors holding the corresponding short shares will cover or buy shares at the call option's strike price. Expiration Worthless: Any long call options that expire OTM will expire worthless. In this scenario, the investor loses the entire premium paid for the contract, resulting in a maximum loss. Understanding these concepts is instrumental in developing effective call option trading strategies. By carefully considering the interplay between time, strike price, and option value, traders can position themselves to make profitable trades and minimize potential losses. PROFIT & LOSS DIAGRAM OF A LONG OTM CALL A long OTM call option can be profitable if the current market value of the option exceeds the price paid to purchase it. This can occur in two main scenarios: Stock Price Surpasses Strike Price: If the underlying asset's price rises above the strike price of the call option by more than the premium paid for the option, the call option becomes profitable. This is because the intrinsic value of the call option (the difference between the strike price and the underlying asset's price) becomes positive, and the call option can be exercised to purchase the underlying asset at a price below the market price. OTM Call Moves Closer to Underlying Asset Price: Even if the underlying asset's price does not reach the strike price, a long OTM call can still be profitable if the option's price increases. This can happen when there is a quick rally in the underlying asset's price, causing the call option's price to increase as well, even if the strike price is not reached. This is because the time value of the call option increases as the expiration date approaches, and the call option becomes more likely to be in the money. However, it's important to note that long OTM call options can also result in losses if the underlying asset's price does not surpass the breakeven point. The breakeven point is the price at which the call option's intrinsic value becomes equal to the purchase price of the option. If the underlying asset's price remains below the breakeven point until expiration, the call option will expire worthless, and the investor will lose the entire amount paid for the option. The maximum profit potential of a long OTM call option indeed has no theoretical limit, as a stock's price can theoretically rise indefinitely. This means that if the underlying stock price increases significantly, the call option holder can potentially reap substantial profits by exercising the option and buying the stock at the predetermined strike price. On the downside, the maximum loss on a long call option is limited to the premium paid for the option. This premium represents the total amount invested in the option contract and acts as a protective barrier against further losses. If the stock price declines or stays below the strike price at expiration, the option will expire worthless, and the investor will lose the entire premium paid. The flattened red loss zone in the diagram illustrates this limited loss potential. This zone represents the range of stock prices below the strike price at expiration where the option holder will lose money. The loss amount decreases as the stock price approaches the strike price and becomes zero when the stock price equals the strike price. Beyond the strike price, the option holder starts to make a profit. It's important to note that while the maximum profit potential is theoretically unlimited, it is highly unlikely for a stock price to rise dramatically within the short timeframe of an OTM option's expiration period. Therefore, while the potential rewards can be significant, the probability of achieving them is relatively low. PROFIT & LOSS DIAGRAM OF A LONG ITM CALL ITM (In-the-Money) options have a unique characteristic where the price of their intrinsic value directly correlates with the underlying asset's price. This means that for every one point movement in the underlying asset's price, the ITM option's intrinsic value moves by the same amount. While purchasing an ITM option provides immediate intrinsic value, it does not guarantee profitability upon execution. Similar to buying an OTM (Out-of-the-Money) call option, the purchase price of an ITM call must increase for it to be profitable. This requires the stock price to move further above the call strike price. This relationship is visually represented in the diagram, where the red and green zones converge on the x-axis. The maximum potential loss on a long call option is limited to the debit paid for the option, which is represented by the flattened red area in the diagram. This means that the most an investor can lose on a long call is the premium paid for the option, regardless of how far the underlying asset's price moves below the strike price. Understanding the price dynamics and potential risks associated with ITM options is crucial for traders and investors. While ITM options offer immediate intrinsic value, careful analysis and consideration of market conditions are necessary to determine their potential profitability. EXAMPLE OF A LONG OTM CALL OPTION XYZ currently trading @ $45 Buy to Open +1 XYZ 50-strike call @ $4 debit Cost: $4 debit ($400 total, ($4 x 100 shares)) Time Decay Affect Works against the optionâs value Max Profit Theoretically unlimited Max Loss Debit paid per contract ($400) Breakeven Price (at expiration) Strike price + debit paid ($54) Account Type Required Cash, Margin, and IRA EXAMPLE OF A LONG ITM CALL OPTION XYZ currently trading @ $45 Buy to Open +1 XYZ 40-strike call @ $7 debit ($5 intrinsic value + $2 extrinsic value) Cost: $7 debit ($700 total) Time Decay Affect Works against the optionâs value Max Profit Theoretically unlimited Max Loss Debit paid per contract ($700) Breakeven Price (at expiration) Strike price + debit paid ($47) Account Type Required Cash, Margin, and IRA
Lesson 2: USES OF SOIL PRETEST Color the pictures that show how we can use soil. SOMETHING TO READ Soil is very useful to us. We can use it in many ways. Let us find out the different uses of soil one by one. Uses of soil a. Sand is used in making our houses. It is also used in making hollow blocks. OBJECTIVES: - Enumerates things that we can with soil - Demonstrates ways for making play things out of soil SCIENCE 2 â MODULE 7 SEIBO COLLEGE 9 b. Soil is made up of minerals, nutrients, water and air that support growing plants. It also keeps the plantâs roots on the ground. c. Animals like earthworm and ants lives in the soil. They create tunnels in it to allow air and water to pass through it. d. Clay soil is used in making pots and vases. We can play with it. We can make different objects that we can use to play with. e. When we are at the shore of the beach, we can play with sand and build sand castles. SOMETHING TO DO ACTIVITY 1 Creating Things I Like Objective: In this activity, children will learn that they can create things out of clay. What you need: SCIENCE 2 â MODULE 7 SEIBO COLLEGE 10 2 bars of clay (any color) 1 pc. 1/8 illustration board or any hard board What to do: 1. Using the bars of clay, create things that you like then place them on the illustration board. 2. Show your work to your facilitator. Observation: 1. Is it easy for you to create things that you like out of clay? __________________________________________________ 2. What is the texture of the clay? ________________________ 3. Did you have fun dong this activity? _____________________ Conclusion: I therefore conclude that _