Which option demonstrates correct clause reduction?

He ate the pizza that was delivered to him.

He ate the pizza who was delivered to him.

He ate the pizza delivered to him.

He ate the pizza which delivered to him.

Which of the following is an example of a reduced relative clause?

The book written by John is on the shelf.

Which of the following is an example of a reduced adverb clause?

Having finished his homework, Tom went to the park.

Tom goes to the park after finishing his homework.

Tom went to the park when his homework was finished.

Tom finished his homework before going to the park.

Which of the following is an example of reduced infinitive clause?

I can't wait to start vacation.

Which of the following is an example of a reduced adjective clause?

The car parked on the street is mine.

The car that is parked on the street is mine.

The car, which is parked on the street, is mine.

The car parked on the street belongs to me.

Which of the following is an example of reduced appositive clause?

My friend John, a talented musician, played the piano.

My friend John, who is a talented musician, played the piano.

My friend John played the piano and he is a talented musician.

My friend John played the piano because he is a talented musician.

Clause reduction in English

Called igneous rock. Magma is extremely hot-between 700° and 1,300° Celsius (1,292° and 2,372° Fahrenheit). This heat makes magma a very fluid and dynamic substance, able to create new landforms and different environments. engage physical and chemical transformations in a variety of How Magma Forms EX a alamy alam Samy my Earth is divided into three general layers. The core is the superheated center, the mantle is the thick, middle layer, and the crust is the top layer on which we live. Magma originates in the lower part of the Earth's crust and in the upper portion of the mantle. Most of the mantle and crust are solid, so the presence of magma is crucial to understanding the geology and morphology of the mantle. Differences in temperature, pressure, formations in the mantle and crust cause magma to form in different ways. and structural Decompression Melting Decompression melting involves the upward movement of Earth's mostly-solid mantle. This hot material rises to an area of lower pressure through the process of convection. Areas of lower pressure always have a lower melting point than areas of high pressure. This reduction in overlying 10

Chapter 22 Antihypertensive Drugs Hypertension Defined (JNC-8) Pharmacology Overview 7 main categories of drugs to treat HTN Adrenergic drugs (old friend) Angiotensin-converting enzyme (ACE) inhibitors Angiotensin II receptor blockers (ARBs) Calcium channel blockers (CCBs) Diuretics Vasodilators Direct renin inhibitors A. Adrenergic Drugs: 5 Subcategories and where they act A1. Adrenergic neuron blockers (central and peripheral)- we won’t talk about this A2. Alpha1 receptor blockers (peripheral) A3. Alpha2 receptor agonists (central) A4. Beta receptor blockers (peripheral) A5. Combined α and β receptor blockers (peripheral) A2. Peripherally Acting Adrenergic DrugAlpha1 Blockers (we’ve met these) Doxazosin, prazosin, alfuzosin Block alpha1-receptors which causes BP to decrease Reduces peripheral vascular resistance and BP by dilating both arterial and venous blood vessels Main Use: benign prostatic hyperplasia (BPH) Alpha1 Blockers REMEMBER Tamsulosin (Flomax)* is an α1 blocker BUT *Tamsulosin is not used to control BP, just for BPH. A3. Centrally Acting Adrenergic DrugsAlpha 2 agonist Clonidine and methyldopa 1- Stimulate alpha2-adrenergic receptors. in the brain Decreases sympathetic outflow from the CNS which decreases NE production 2. Stimulate alpha2-adrenergic receptors in kidneys remember alpha 2 opposes alpha 1 Dilates peripheral blood vessels → lowers peripheral resistance → Results in decreased BP So ….Clonidine (Catapres) Used primarily for its ability to decrease blood pressure in an urgent setting Also use in opioid withdrawal as previously discussed Oral (multiple times a day), and topical patch formulations Do not stop abruptly as it may lead to rebound hypertension In reality, Clonidine and methyldopa Not prescribed as first-line home antiHTN drugs High incidence of unwanted adverse effects: orthostatic hypotension, fatigue, and dizziness MIGHT be uses as adjunct drugs after other drugs have failed, in conjunction with other antiHTN such as diuretics A4. Adrenergic Drugs Selective Beta 1 Blockers Metoprolol, Atenolol Reduction of HR through β1 receptor blockade (remember adrenergic blocking of this receptor???) HR results in BP Cause reduced secretion of renin = BP A4. Adrenergic Drugs Selective Beta1 Blockers Nebivolol (Bystolic) Uses: hypertension and HF Action: blocks β1 receptors and produces vasodilatation, which results in a decrease in SVR High doses loses selectivity and blocks both β1 and β2 Less sexual dysfunction All BB- Do not stop abruptly; must be tapered over 1 to 2 weeks A4. Adrenergic Drugs NONSelective Beta Blockers Propranolol Acts equally on β1 and β2 Other uses include situational anxiety associated with public speaking, test taking As mentioned on previous slide, nebivolol at high doses becomes beta nonselective A5. Dual-Action Adrenergic Drugs α1 and β Receptor Blockers Dual antihypertensive effects of reduction in heart rate (beta1 receptor blockade) and vasodilation (alpha1 receptor blockade) Examples are carvedilol (common) and labetalol (not as common) A5. Dual-Action Adrenergic Drugs α1 and β Receptor Blockers Carvedilol (Coreg) Widely used drug that is well tolerated Uses: HTN, mild to moderate HF in conjunction with digoxin, diuretics, and ACE inhibitors Contraindications: severe bradycardia or unstable HF, bronchospastic conditions such as asthma, and various cardiac conduction problems Adrenergic Drugs Indications - HTN But also for Glaucoma (topical) BPH: doxazosin, prazosin, and terazosin (2 for 1) Management of severe HF when used with cardiac glycosides and diuretics Contraindications Acute HF- have to stabilize first MOAIs- yeah doesn’t everything interact with MAOIs? Peptic ulcers Severe liver/kidney disease Asthma (with beta blockers) Adrenergic Drugs: Adverse Effects Orthostatic hypotension 1st-dose syncope Rebound hypertension with abrupt discontinuation Most common: Dry mouth, drowsiness, constipation, sedation Interactions- always check for specific drug interactions Can cause additive CNS depression with alcohol, benzodiazepines, opioids Question #1 When administering an alpha-adrenergic drug for hypertension, it is most important for the nurse to assess the patient for the development of what response? Hypotension Hyperkalemia Oliguria Respiratory distress Answer A Hypotension This is a key point in patient education These drugs have strong vasodilating properties and may cause severe hypotension, especially at the beginning of therapy. B. Angiotensin-Converting Enzyme Inhibitorsaka ACE Inhibitors or ACEi Large group of safe and effective drugs Currently are 10 ACEi Often used as first-line drugs for HF and hypertension May be combined with a thiazide diuretic, loop diuretic, or Calcium Channel Blocker (CCB) You need to understand the basics ACE Inhibitors: Review RAAS ACE converts angiotensin I, formed through the action of renin, to angiotensin II Angiotensin 2 is a potent vasoconstrictor and also induces aldosterone secretion by the adrenal glands Aldosterone stimulates sodium resorption (H20 follows Na Both act to raise BP which causes kidneys to reduce renin production ACEi= Great drug to treat HTN BUT contraindicated in pregnancy (2nd,3rd trimester due to fetal renal damage) and breastfeeding first few weeks after birth B. ACE Inhibitors - PRIL Lisinopril (Prinivil) super common, often the 1st drug Enalapril (Vasotec) also common Captopril (Capoten) great if liver disease present Benazepril (Lotensin) Fosinopril (Monopril) Perindopril (Aceon) Quinapril (Accupril) Ramipril (Altace) Trandolapril (Mavik) Primary Effects of the ACE Inhibitors Prevent Na (and H2O) resorption by inhibiting aldosterone secretion (volume reduction) (GO BACK TO RAAS DIAGRAM) blood volume decreases work of the heart preload, or the left ventricular end-diastolic volume which is important in HF ACE SUMMARY OF ACTIVITY 1) Prevent vasoconstriction caused by angiotensin 2 (2) Prevent aldosterone secretion  less sodium and water resorption Cardioprotective Effects of ACEi They slow progression of left ventricular hypertrophy (ventricular remodeling) after MI so considered cardioprotective ACE inhibitors have been shown to decrease morbidity and mortality in patients with HF Renal Protective Effects of ACEi ACE inhibitors: reduce glomerular filtration pressure by volume reduction Cardiovascular drug of choice for patients with diabetes since it helps protect kidneys by reducing pressure. Sometimes used low dose for kidney protection with DM without HTN B. ACEi Enalapril (Vasotec) Only ACEi available in both oral and IV Enalapril IV does not require cardiac monitoring Oral enalapril: prodrug (metabolized in liver) Improves patient’s chances of survival after an MI Reduces the incidence of HF B. ACEi Captopril (Capoten) Uses: prevention of ventricular remodeling after MI; reduce the risk of HF after MI Shortest half-life Must be administered multiple times throughout the day so this limits its use Not a prodrug so good for patient with liver disease Question #2 A patient with diabetes has a new prescription for the ACE inhibitor lisinopril. She questions this order because her provider has never told her that she has hypertension. What is the best explanation for this order? The doctor knows best The patient is confused This medication has cardioprotective properties This medication has a protective effect on the kidneys for patients with diabetes Answer D ACE inhibitors have been shown to have a protective effect on the kidneys because they reduce glomerular filtration pressure. This property makes them the cardiovascular drug of choice for patients with diabetes. Question #3 A patient with a history of pancreatitis and cirrhosis is also being treated for hypertension. Which drug will most likely be ordered for this patient? Clonidine Prazosin Diltiazem Captopril Answer D Captopril Captopril is not a prodrug; therefore, it does not need to be metabolized by the liver to be effective. This is an advantage in patients with liver disease. ACE Inhibitors: Adverse Effects *Dry, nonproductive cough, which reverses when therapy is stopped. This is a class effect Dizziness- Note: First-dose hypotensive effect may occur Headache & Fatigue Possible hyperkalemia ** Angioedema: rare but potentially fatal Not safe in pregnancy-are contraindicated during the second and third trimesters of pregnancy because of increased risk of fetal renal damage C. Angiotensin II Receptor Blockers(ARB) Considered an alternative to ACEi Less likely to cause a dry cough and hyper K+ that is common with ACE inhibitors Angiotensin II Receptor Blockers: Mechanism of Action Go back to RAAS diagram! ARBs affect primarily 2 places 1. Vascular smooth muscle - blocks vasoconstriction 2. Adrenal gland -Selectively blocks the binding of Ang 2 to certain Ang 2 receptors inhibiting secretion of aldosterone Lowers volume retention and BP Angiotensin II Receptor Blockers -ARTAN Losartan (Cozaar)- very common Eprosartan (Teveten) Valsartan (Diovan) Irbesartan (Avapro) Candesartan (Atacand) Olmesartan (Benicar) Telmisartan (Micardis) Azilsartan (Edarbi) C. ARB Losartan (Cozaar) Beneficial in patients with HTN and HF Used with caution in patients with kidney or liver dysfunction and in patients with renal artery stenosis ***Not safe for breastfeeding women and should not be used in pregnancy (Cat C 1st trimester, Cat D 2nd-3rd trimester), potential fetal toxicity Appear to be equally effective for the treatment of hypertension and well tolerated ARBs less likely to cause cough and hyperK+ but can still happen Evidence that ARBs are associated with lower mortality after MI than ACE inhibitors Never take ACEi and ARBs at the same time* 5. Calcium Channel Blockers (CCB) Primary use: HTN, angina, some dysrhythmias Cause smooth muscle relaxation by blocking the binding of calcium to its receptors, preventing muscle contraction Results in: Relaxed blood vessels to the heart Decreased peripheral smooth muscle tone Decreased SVResistance Decreased BP E. Diuretics First-line antiHTN in JNC 8 guidelines Decreases fluid volume The results from diuresis: preload, Peripheral resistance Overall effect  Decreased workload of the heart and decreased BP Thiazide diuretics are the most commonly used diuretics for HTN Ie hydrochlorothiazide (HCTZ), chlorthalidone We will discuss diuretics further in the chapter on diuretics F. Vasodilators Directly relax arterial or venous smooth muscle (or both) Results in: Decreased SVR Decreased afterload Peripheral vasodilation Indicated for treatment of HTN May be used in combination with other drugs F. Vasodilators Hydralazine (Apresoline) Orally: routine cases of essential hypertension Injectable: hypertensive emergencies BiDil: specifically indicated as an adjunct for treatment of HF in African-American patients F. Vasodilators Sodium Nitroprusside (Nitropress) *Sodium nitroprusside and IV diazoxide are reserved for the management of hypertensive emergencies. Contraindications: severe HF, known inadequate cerebral perfusion (especially during neurosurgical procedures) F. Vasodilators Adverse Effects Hydralazine: dizziness, headache, tachycardia, edema, dyspnea, N/V/D, vitamin B6 deficiency, rash Sodium nitroprusside: hypotension, bradycardia, decreased platelet aggregation, rash G. Direct Renin Inhibitors Aliskirin (Tekturna) Blocks the RAS pathway at the point of activation. Inhibiting renin production prevents the downstream production of Ang II (potent vasoconstrictor) Adverse effects: N/V, severe hypotension, hyponatremia, hyperkalemia… Contraindicated in patients with DM taking ACEi or ARB Miscellaneous Antihypertensives Eplerenone (Inspra) Newer class of drugs called selective aldosterone blockers (remember RAAS?) Reduces BP by blocking the actions of aldosterone at its corresponding receptors in the kidney, heart, blood vessels, and brain Indications: routine treatment of hypertension and for post-MI HF Contraindicated if serum potassium levels are high (above 5.6 mEq/L) A Special Form of HTNTreatment of Pulmonary Hypertension Sildenafil and Tadalafil Commonly used for erectile dysfunction Used for pulmonary hypertension but with different trade names Sildenafil: Revatio* (Viagra for ED) Tadalafil: Adcirca* (Cialis for ED)

Measuring the Effectiveness of police strategies and operations Clearance rates Def: The proportion of incidents known to the police that result in teh identification of a suspect Crime Displacement Def: relocation-due to the effective crime prevention, crime response initiates criminal activity from one local to another Professional Model of Policing Model of police work, reactive, incident driven and centred on random patrol Three Rs: random patrol, rapid response and reactive investigation Community policing Def: policing centred on police-community partnership and problem-solving The three ps: prevention, problem solving and partnership with the proactive role Community-based strategic policing Def: The model incorporates community policing with prevention, crime response and crime attack approaches Community engagement, police services strategic in their policies and operations Crime Analytics Sophisticated programs, and crime maps, provide intelligence to police officers in patrol and investigative units Intelligence-led policing: guided by collection, and analysis of information informs police decision-making Compstat: Increase effectiveness, and efficiency of police service while holding police personnel accountable for crime reduction Predictive policing: statistical analysis, identify time and location likely to occur Limited analytical capacity and not able to provide their officers with real-time information Biased policing certain areas, or persons, being identified as important for police attention in predictive policing How Predictive Policing Software Works The Police and the community Public Attitudes toward and Confidence in the police Community-based strategic policing: Recruitment, and deployment of volunteers in community police stations, storefronts Foot and bike patrols Team policing Restorative Justice Approaches Alternative for addressing, and resolving crime, needs of victims, offenders and the community Victim offender meditation Circle sentencing Community holistic healing programss Family group conferences Crime Prevention and Response Strategies Crime Prevention progemas Aimed at reducing crime, generating community involvement and heightening citizens; perceptions of safety Primary crime prevention programs opportunities for criminal offences and alter those conditions Secondary crime prevention programs focus on areas that produce crime and disorder Tertiary crime prevention programs are designed to prevent youth and adults from reoffending The Broken Windows Approach If minor crimes are left unaddressed in an environment, more serious crimes will emerge (originated in New York City in the 1980’s) “The exictsnce of unchecked and uncontrolled mirror incivilites in a neighbourhood- for example, panhandling, public drunkenness, vandalism and graffiti-produces an atmosphere conducive to more serious crime.” R.H. Burke Zero tolerance policing Zero tolerance policing: Strict order maintenance approach- specific area, coupled with high police visibility and presence Quality of life policing: Increased police visibility improves conditions in an area by targeting disruptive and annoying behaviour Problem Oritented policing (POP) Strategy, the idea that police should address teh cause of recurrent crime and disorder Root causes of recurring problems Solutions to problems Collabortaion with community SARA (scanning, analysis, response and assessment) problem-solving model helps officers identify, and respond to problems with the assistance of agencies, organizations, community groups The Police and Vulnerable/ At risk groups Persons with Mental Illness Patrol officers encountering more and more persons with mental illness (PwMi) Number of these end trragically Number of incidents increased significantly following deinstitutionalization of the mentally ill - in 1960 and 1970 De facto (in fact) mental health workers, first responders Crisis intervention training (CIT) Assertive outreach teams Assertive community treatment (ACT) teams Indigenouse, Vulnerable, and Marginalized women Sexual assault one of most underreported crimed. 1 in 20 incidents report to police. Many Women Do not want to deal with police Believe police would not take allegation seriously Language, cultural barriers Distrust the police Fear repercussions Missing and Murdered Indigenous women Canada, unknown number of missing and murdered indigenous women 2016, federal government announced National inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigennouse women and girls Three goals of MMIWG 1. Finding the truth 2. Honouring the truth 3. Giving life to the truth as a path of healing

“There’s No Such Thing as Sound Science” by By Christie Aschwanden was a lead science writer for FiveThirtyEight. FiveThirtyEight, Science, Dec. 6, 2017 Science is being turned against itself. For decades, its twin ideals of transparency and rigor have been weaponized by those who disagree with results produced by the scientific method. Under the Trump administration, that fight has ramped up again. In a move ostensibly meant to reduce conflicts of interest, Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Scott Pruitt has removed a number of scientists from advisory panels and replaced some of them with representatives from industries that the agency regulates. Like many in the Trump administration, Pruitt has also cast doubt on the reliability of climate science. For instance, in an interview with CNBC, Pruitt said that “measuring with precision human activity on the climate is something very challenging to do.” Similarly, Trump’s pick to head NASA, an agency that oversees a large portion the nation’s climate research, has insisted that research into human influence on climate lacks certainty, and he falsely claimed that “global temperatures stopped rising 10 years ago.” Kathleen Hartnett White, Trump’s nominee to head the White House Council on Environmental Quality, said in a Senate hearing last month that she thinks we “need to have more precise explanations of the human role and the natural role” in climate change. The same entreaties crop up again and again: We need to root out conflicts. We need more precise evidence. What makes these arguments so powerful is that they sound quite similar to the points raised by proponents of a very different call for change that’s coming from within science. This other movement strives to produce more robust, reproducible findings. Despite having dissimilar goals, the two forces espouse principles that look surprisingly alike: Science needs to be transparent. Results and methods should be openly shared so that outside researchers can independently reproduce and validate them. The methods used to collect and analyze data should be rigorous and clear, and conclusions must be supported by evidence. These are the arguments underlying an “open science” reform movement that was created, in part, as a response to a “reproducibility crisis” that has struck some fields of science.1 But they’re also used as talking points by politicians who are working to make it more difficult for the EPA and other federal agencies to use science in their regulatory decision-making, under the guise of basing policy on “sound science.” Science’s virtues are being wielded against it. What distinguishes the two calls for transparency is intent: Whereas the “open science” movement aims to make science more reliable, reproducible and robust, proponents of “sound science” have historically worked to amplify uncertainty, create doubt and undermine scientific discoveries that threaten their interests. “Our criticisms are founded in a confidence in science,” said Steven Goodman, co-director of the Meta-Research Innovation Center at Stanford and a proponent of open science. “That’s a fundamental difference — we’re critiquing science to make it better. Others are critiquing it to devalue the approach itself.” Calls to base public policy on “sound science” seem unassailable if you don’t know the term’s history. The phrase was adopted by the tobacco industry in the 1990s to counteract mounting evidence linking secondhand smoke to cancer. A 1992 Environmental Protection Agency report identified secondhand smoke as a human carcinogen, and Philip Morris responded by launching an initiative to promote what it called “sound science.” In an internal memo, Philip Morris vice president of corporate affairs Ellen Merlo wrote that the program was designed to “discredit the EPA report,” “prevent states and cities, as well as businesses from passing smoking bans” and “proactively” pass legislation to help their cause. The sound science tactic exploits a fundamental feature of the scientific process: Science does not produce absolute certainty. Contrary to how it’s sometimes represented to the public, science is not a magic wand that turns everything it touches to truth. Instead, it’s a process of uncertainty reduction, much like a game of 20 Questions. Any given study can rarely answer more than one question at a time, and each study usually raises a bunch of new questions in the process of answering old ones. “Science is a process rather than an answer,” said psychologist Alison Ledgerwood of the University of California, Davis. Every answer is provisional and subject to change in the face of new evidence. It’s not entirely correct to say that “this study proves this fact,” Ledgerwood said. “We should be talking instead about how science increases or decreases our confidence in something.” The tobacco industry’s brilliant tactic was to turn this baked-in uncertainty against the scientific enterprise itself. While insisting that they merely wanted to ensure that public policy was based on sound science, tobacco companies defined the term in a way that ensured that no science could ever be sound enough. The only sound science was certain science, which is an impossible standard to achieve. “Doubt is our product,” wrote one employee of the Brown & Williamson tobacco company in a 1969 internal memo. The note went on to say that doubt “is the best means of competing with the ‘body of fact’” and “establishing a controversy.” These strategies for undermining inconvenient science were so effective that they’ve served as a sort of playbook for industry interests ever since, said Stanford University science historian Robert Proctor. The sound science push is no longer just Philip Morris sowing doubt about the links between cigarettes and cancer. It’s also a 1998 action plan by the American Petroleum Institute, Chevron and Exxon Mobil to “install uncertainty” about the link between greenhouse gas emissions and climate change. It’s industry-funded groups’ late-1990s effort to question the science the EPA was using to set fine-particle-pollution air-quality standards that the industry didn’t want. And then there was the more recent effort by Dow Chemical to insist on more scientific certainty before banning a pesticide that the EPA’s scientists had deemed risky to children. Now comes a move by the Trump administration’s EPA to repeal a 2015 rule on wetlands protection by disregarding particular studies. (To name just a few examples.) Doubt merchants aren’t pushing for knowledge, they’re practicing what Proctor has dubbed “agnogenesis” — the intentional manufacture of ignorance. This ignorance isn’t simply the absence of knowing something; it’s a lack of comprehension deliberately created by agents who don’t want you to know, Proctor said.2 In the hands of doubt-makers, transparency becomes a rhetorical move. “It’s really difficult as a scientist or policy maker to make a stand against transparency and openness, because well, who would be against it?” said Karen Levy, researcher on information science at Cornell University. But at the same time, “you can couch everything in the language of transparency and it becomes a powerful weapon.” For instance, when the EPA was preparing to set new limits on particulate pollution in the 1990s, industry groups pushed back against the research and demanded access to primary data (including records that researchers had promised participants would remain confidential) and a reanalysis of the evidence. Their calls succeeded and a new analysis was performed. The reanalysis essentially confirmed the original conclusions, but the process of conducting it delayed the implementation of regulations and cost researchers time and money. Delay is a time-tested strategy. “Gridlock is the greatest friend a global warming skeptic has,” said Marc Morano, a prominent critic of global warming research and the executive director of ClimateDepot.com, in the documentary “Merchants of Doubt” (based on the book by the same name). Morano’s site is a project of the Committee for a Constructive Tomorrow, which has received funding from the oil and gas industry. “We’re the negative force. We’re just trying to stop stuff.” Some of these ploys are getting a fresh boost from Congress. The Data Quality Act (also known as the Information Quality Act) was reportedly written by an industry lobbyist and quietly passed as part of an appropriations bill in 2000. The rule mandates that federal agencies ensure the “quality, objectivity, utility, and integrity of information” that they disseminate, though it does little to define what these terms mean. The law also provides a mechanism for citizens and groups to challenge information that they deem inaccurate, including science that they disagree with. “It was passed in this very quiet way with no explicit debate about it — that should tell you a lot about the real goals,” Levy said. But what’s most telling about the Data Quality Act is how it’s been used, Levy said. A 2004 Washington Post analysis found that in the 20 months following its implementation, the act was repeatedly used by industry groups to push back against proposed regulations and bog down the decision-making process. Instead of deploying transparency as a fundamental principle that applies to all science, these interests have used transparency as a weapon to attack very particular findings that they would like to eradicate. Now Congress is considering another way to legislate how science is used. The Honest Act, a bill sponsored by Rep. Lamar Smith of Texas,3 is another example of what Levy calls a “Trojan horse” law that uses the language of transparency as a cover to achieve other political goals. Smith’s legislation would severely limit the kind of evidence the EPA could use for decision-making. Only studies whose raw data and computer codes were publicly available would be allowed for consideration. That might sound perfectly reasonable, and in many cases it is, Goodman said. But sometimes there are good reasons why researchers can’t conform to these rules, like when the data contains confidential or sensitive medical information.4 Critics, which include more than a dozen scientific organizations, argue that, in practice, the rules would prevent many studies from being considered in EPA reviews.5 It might seem like an easy task to sort good science from bad, but in reality it’s not so simple. “There’s a misplaced idea that we can definitively distinguish the good from the not-good science, but it’s all a matter of degree,” said Brian Nosek, executive director of the Center for Open Science. “There is no perfect study.” Requiring regulators to wait until they have (nonexistent) perfect evidence is essentially “a way of saying, ‘We don’t want to use evidence for our decision-making,’” Nosek said. Most scientific controversies aren’t about science at all, and once the sides are drawn, more data is unlikely to bring opponents into agreement. Michael Carolan, who researches the sociology of technology and scientific knowledge at Colorado State University, wrote in a 2008 paper about why objective knowledge is not enough to resolve environmental controversies. “While these controversies may appear on the surface to rest on disputed questions of fact, beneath often reside differing positions of value; values that can give shape to differing understandings of what ‘the facts’ are.” What’s needed in these cases isn’t more or better science, but mechanisms to bring those hidden values to the forefront of the discussion so that they can be debated transparently. “As long as we continue down this unabashedly naive road about what science is, and what it is capable of doing, we will continue to fail to reach any sort of meaningful consensus on these matters,” Carolan writes. The dispute over tobacco was never about the science of cigarettes’ link to cancer. It was about whether companies have the right to sell dangerous products and, if so, what obligations they have to the consumers who purchased them. Similarly, the debate over climate change isn’t about whether our planet is heating, but about how much responsibility each country and person bears for stopping it. While researching her book “Merchants of Doubt,” science historian Naomi Oreskes found that some of the same people who were defending the tobacco industry as scientific experts were also receiving industry money to deny the role of human activity in global warming. What these issues had in common, she realized, was that they all involved the need for government action. “None of this is about the science. All of this is a political debate about the role of government,” she said in the documentary. These controversies are really about values, not scientific facts, and acknowledging that would allow us to have more truthful and productive debates. What would that look like in practice? Instead of cherry-picking evidence to support a particular view (and insisting that the science points to a desired action), the various sides could lay out the values they are using to assess the evidence. For instance, in Europe, many decisions are guided by the precautionary principle — a system that values caution in the face of uncertainty and says that when the risks are unclear, it should be up to industries to show that their products and processes are not harmful, rather than requiring the government to prove that they are harmful before they can be regulated. By contrast, U.S. agencies tend to wait for strong evidence of harm before issuing regulations. Both approaches have critics, but the difference between them comes down to priorities: Is it better to exercise caution at the risk of burdening companies and perhaps the economy, or is it more important to avoid potential economic downsides even if it means that sometimes a harmful product or industrial process goes unregulated? In other words, under what circumstances do we agree to act on a risk? How certain do we need to be that the risk is real, and how many people would need to be at risk, and how costly is it to reduce that risk? Those are moral questions, not scientific ones, and openly discussing and identifying these kinds of judgment calls would lead to a more honest debate. Science matters, and we need to do it as rigorously as possible. But science can’t tell us how risky is too risky to allow products like cigarettes or potentially harmful pesticides to be sold — those are value judgements that only humans can make.

Health 11/12 Review for Final Exam Core Concepts - Mental and Emotional Health, Substance Abuse Prevention, Safety and Violence Prevention, Family Life and Human Sexuality, Disease Prevention and Control, Healthy Eating Health Education Skills - goal setting, decision making, accessing information/resources, analyzing influences, communication, self-management, advocacy DIMENSIONS of Wellness - social, spiritual, emotional/mental, environmental, financial, intellectual, multicultural, occupational, physical, sexual RISK factors - anything that increases the risk of disease, injury, or illness. PROTECTIVE factors - anything that decreases the risk of disease, injury, or illness. INTERNAL health factors - health factors that can be either hereditary and genetic or acquired elements -- include smoking and personal diet or eating habits. Example – a genetic predisposition to an illness. EXTERNAL health factors - health factors that are part of the direct outer environment, the geographical location, micro-organisms, socio-economic elements that could affect an individual's health. Example – being unable to afford mental health services. Unit 1- Managing Personal and Community Wellness Explain Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs in your own words using the image provided. Explain how each Social Determinant of Health may impact a person’s health. Levels of Disease Prevention • PRIMARY The goal is to avoid conditions altogether. • SECONDARY The goal is early detection. • TERTIARY The goal is to minimize the damage (manage). Define the following terms. Fads/Trends Sleep hygiene Driver safety Unit 2- Investigating Social Ecological Factors on Well-Being Socio-Ecological Model – The SEM examines how health behaviors form based on characteristics of individuals, communities, nations and levels in between. Each level overlaps with other levels signifying how the best public health strategies are those that encompass and target a wide range of perspectives. Interpersonal (personal) health vs. intrapersonal (relationship) health Health INEQUITY - systemic, ingrained and unjust barriers that prevent segments of the population from having the opportunity of health leading to health disparity. IMPLICIT BIAS - a form of bias that occurs automatically and unintentionally, that nevertheless affects judgments, decisions, and behaviors. Research has shown implicit bias can contribute to unequal access to quality healthcare, negative patient-provider relationships and interactions; and create mistrust in the healthcare system and practitioners among patients. This can contribute to health disparities. Health DISPARITY - represents a difference in health between populations. It is often used to describe disease burden and other negative health outcomes socially disadvantaged groups may face. Health EQUITY - The opposite of health inequity. It describes a system that supports a high standard of health and healthcare for all people. Racism - Beliefs, attitudes, institutional arrangements, and acts that tend to denigrate individuals or groups because of phenotypic characteristics or ethnic group affiliation. DISCRIMINATION - An unjust differential treatment of a person or a group. PRIVILEGE- The unearned access to resources and social power that are only available to some because of their membership within certain social groups. OPPRESSION is the act of taking away choices from others and can be defined as a system that maintains advantage and disadvantage based on social identities and that acts on multiple levels from interpersonal to institutional and societal. (internalized, interpersonal, institutional, structural) Systematic Oppression - Intentional disadvantage of groups of people based on their identity while advantaging members of dominant group (race, gender, sexual orientation, language, size, ability, etc.). Intersectionality - The complex, cumulative way in which the effects of multiple forms of discrimination (such as racism, sexism, and classism) combine, overlap, or intersect especially in the experiences of marginalized individuals or groups Unit 3- Accessing Resources and Communicating to Support Mental and Emotional Health What is anger? What is anxiety? What is stress? STRESSORS are the things that cause stress. Stressors can be internal and external. A stressor may be a one-time or short-term occurrence, or it can happen repeatedly over a long time. INTERNAL Stressors - are made by your belief system and the way you evaluate yourself. Examples include pessimistic attitude, negative self-talk, deep need to be perfect, low self-esteem or body image, unhealthy standards for self. EXTERNAL Stressors - are stressful things that happen in your surroundings and/or in your environment. Examples include busy schedules, work problems, family issues, financial trouble, social problems, injury, unforeseen circumstances. Socio-economic issues are also a part of external stressors such as poverty, violence, and racism. Define the following mental health conditions. Depression Eating disorders NSSI Non-suicidal self-injury Grief/Loss Suicide prevention A.C.T. • ACKNOWLEDGE- Tell them in a caring way that you recognize that they are having a problem • CARE- You can show you care by actively listening - put away anything else you are doing, make eye contact, sit down, ask questions. • TELL-(call 988 for additional help and support) - Tell them it is important that they speak with a trusted adult. Help them figure out who this may be and offer to go with your friend. A social norm is an unwritten, informal rule meant to guide behavior among the of society. It distinguishes between acceptable and unacceptable, good and bad, and so on. Social norms can influence a person with emotional or mental health disorders, access to care and stigmatize their situation. STIGMA- a mark of disgrace associated with a particular circumstance, quality, or person. • Self-stigma - This describes the internalized stigma that people with mental health conditions feel about themselves. • Public stigma - This refers to the negative attitudes around mental health from people in society. • Institutional stigma - This is a type of systemic stigma that arises from corporations, governments, and other institutions. Unit 4- Evaluating Risks of Substance Use and Abuse Harm Reduction - a set of practical strategies and ideas aimed at reducing negative consequences associated with drug use. Explain how each level of the Social Ecological Model is impacted by addiction. Individual Relationship Community Society SEM Level Contributing/Risk Factors to substance use Preventative/Protective Factors for substance use Individual Interpersonal/Relationship Community Society Unit 5- Analyzing Influences to Examine Ways to Increase Safety and Reduce Violence HATE CRIME - a crime, usually violent, motivated by prejudice or intolerance toward an individual’s national origin, ethnicity, color, religion, gender, gender identity, sexual orientation, or disability. Explain how the media influences violence in society. The Pyramid of Hate Explain the escalation of hate using the Pyramid of Hate visual. List several hate crime motivators. Example: age HEALTHY Relationship Signs - comfortable pace, trust, honesty, independence, respect, equality, kindness, taking responsibility, healthy conflict, fun UNHEALTHY Relationship Signs - intensity, possessiveness, manipulation, isolation, sabotage, belittling, guilting, volatility, deflecting responsibility, betrayal Sexual Assault is a sexual behavior WITHOUT consent. Human trafficking - the recruitment, harboring, transportation, provision, or obtaining of a person for labor or services, using force, fraud, or coercion for the purpose of subjection to involuntary servitude, peonage, debt bondage, or slavery. Sex trafficking - commercial sex act induced by force, fraud, or coercion, or in which the person induced to perform such an act has not attained 18 years of age. Trafficking happens using… • Force - using violence to control someone. • Fraud - using lies to control someone. • Coercion - using threats to control someone. Unit 6- Family Life and Human Sexuality Agency - A belief about yourself and the extent to which you can act on that belief. • The ability to choose freely one’s own narrative. • To embrace the idea that I am the cause (or agent) of my own thoughts and actions. • Personal agency is a personal responsibility for who we are, what we experience, what we do about that experience, and how we shape our world to give us more of the experiences we want. SEXUAL Agency • The ability to choose your own interests and desires vs. what we see in the media or others’ perceptions • The ability to identify, communicate, and negotiate one’s sexual needs • The ability to initiate behaviors that allow for the satisfaction of those needs Sexually Explicit Material - photographs, videos, films, magazines, and books whose primary themes, topics, or depictions involve sexuality that may cause sexual arousal. Sexual scripts - thoughts, patterns, or behavior that a person has about themselves in a romantic or sexual context. It is how people picture themselves or want to project themselves in front of others. Reproductive Rights of Teens - In Maryland, teens have the right to an abortion, keep their child, obtain and use birth control, paternity tests, adoption, give up custody of their child within 10 days of birth (Safe Haven Law). • REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS- legal rights and the freedom of the individual to control decisions regarding contraception, abortion, sterilization and childbirth. • SAFE HAVEN LAW- a distressed parent who is unable or unwilling to care for their infant can safely give up custody of their baby, no questions asked. CONSENT is an agreement between participants to engage in sexual activity. • It is clearly and freely communicated, verbal, and affirmative. Consent CANNOT be given if… • A person is underage, one or both partners is intoxicated or incapacitated by drugs or alcohol, one partner is asleep or unconscious, one partner feels pressured, threatened or intimidated, or one partner holds a position of power or authority over the other. Unit 7- Advocating for Enhanced Nutrition, Food Systems, and Health Outcomes Dietary Guidelines for Americans Guideline 1: Follow a Healthy Dietary Pattern at Every Life Stage Guideline 2: Customize and Enjoy Food and Beverage Choices to Reflect Personal Preferences, Cultural Traditions, and Budgetary Considerations Guideline 3: Focus on Meeting Food Group Needs with Nutrient-Dense Foods and Beverages, and Stay Within Calorie Limits Guideline 4: Limit Foods and Beverages Higher in Added Sugars, Saturated Fat, and Sodium, and Limit Alcoholic Beverages FOOD DESERT- a neighborhood where there is little or limited access to healthy and affordable food such as fruits, vegetables, whole grains, low-fat milk and other foods that make up the full range of a healthy diet. FOOD INSEQURITY lack of access to a sufficient amount of food because of limited funds. More than 49 million American households are considered food insecure and are vulnerable to poor health as a result. PROCCESED FOODS- any raw agricultural commodities that have been washed, cleaned, milled, cut, chopped, heated, pasteurized, blanched, cooked, canned, frozen, dried, dehydrated, mixed or packaged — anything done to them that alters their natural state.

Dès le début de vos recherches, vous allez collecter, produire et exploiter des données. La gestion des données (Research Data Management - RDM) fait partie du processus de recherche. Elle concerne l'ensemble des opérations de collecte, description, stockage, traitement, analyse, archivage et mise en accès des données. (extrait de : Passeport pour la Science Ouverte. Guide pratique pour les doctorants ) "La science ouverte est la diffusion sans entrave des publications et des données de la recherche. Elle s’appuie sur l’opportunité que représente la mutation numérique pour développer l’accès ouvert aux publications et – autant que possible – aux données de la recherche. "Les données de la recherche sont la matière première de la connaissance. Les partager, c'est ouvrir de nouvelles perspectives scientifiques" Source : Plan national pour la Science ouverte - Ministère ESR - Juillet 2018 Source image : https://bibliotheques.univ-tlse3.fr/file/composantes-science-ouverte Cette page est une introduction à la gestion des données de recherche. Elle présente quelques concepts et étapes clés pour vous engager dans cette démarche. Consultez les liens pour approfondir vos connaissances. • What are data ? Définition des données de recherche de l’OCDE (2007) « Enregistrements factuels (chiffres, textes, images, sons) utilisés comme source principale pour la recherche scientifique et généralement reconnus par la communauté scientifique comme nécessaires pour valider les résultats de la recherche. Un ensemble de données de recherche constitue une représentation systématique et partielle du sujet faisant l’objet de la recherche ». Exemples • les images d’une ville préhistorique deviennent des données pour un chercheur qui étudie l’histoire de cette ville; • les « données » d’un linguiste peuvent être des écrits ou des discours, des enregistrements de locuteurs ; • les « données » d’un médiéviste sont des sources archivistiques, archéologiques, épigraphiques, iconographiques, littéraires ; • les « données » d’un géologue rassemblent des coupes et observations de terrain consignées sur un carnet, des résultats de carottage, des analyses d’échantillons, des données sismographiques… • • Pourquoi partager ses données ? "La science ouverte vise à construire un écosystème dans lequel la science est plus cumulative, plus fortement étayée par des données, plus transparente, plus rapide et d’accès plus universel.La science ouverte favorise également les avancées scientifiques, particulièrement les avancées imprévues, ainsi que l’innovation, les progrès économiques et sociaux, en France, dans les pays développés et dans les pays en développement. Enfin, la science ouverte constitue un levier pour l’intégrité scientifique et favorise la confiance des citoyens dans la science. Elle constitue un progrès scientifique et un progrès de société." Source : Plan national pour la Science Ouverte (2018) Les enjeux de l'Open Data • enjeux patrimoniaux o preuve et mémoire (éviter les pertes de données) • enjeux économiques o valeur économique de la donnée o réutilisation gratuite ou payante des données, exploitation des résultats de recherches antérieures (éviter de refaire ce qui a déjà été validé), o accélération de l'innovation et le retour sur investissement dans la R&D • enjeux scientifiques o de "hypothesis-driven" à "data-driven" o plus de visibilité pour le scientifique • enjeux sociétaux o participation des citoyens et de la société civile : "Citizen science" o confiance en la recherche Pour aller plus loin • Site Doranum : https://doranum.fr/enjeux-benefices/fiche-synthetique/ • Adopter de bonnes pratiques tout au long du cycle de vie des données De bonnes pratiques de gestion à toutes les étapes du cycle de vie de la donnée sont un préalable indispensable à l’ouverture des données et à leur réutilisation. • Rechercher des données Pour identifier des jeux de données (datasets) pertinents pour votre thèse, des outils de recherche sont disponibles. Suivez ces liens pour les découvrir : • Site Doranum : https://doranum.fr/acces-visualisation/rechercher-donnees/ • Site DataCC - Vos besoins, trouver des données : https://www.datacc.org/vos-besoins/trouver-des-donnees/ • Fiche CoopIST : Trouver des jeux de données via des bases pluridisciplinaires et des moteurs de recherche Pensez-aussi à consulter l'entrepôt institutionnel Data INRAE Page de présentation du portail • Choisir les bons formats et bien organiser vos données  Choisir des formats de fichier : https://www6.inrae.fr/datapartage/Gerer/Choisir-des-formats-de-fichier  Nommer et organiser vos fichiers de données : https://www6.inrae.fr/datapartage/Gerer/Nommer-et-organiser-ses-fichiers-de-donnees Pour aller plus loin • Jaouen, G.- Gérer ses données. Pourquoi, Comment ? Séminaire - Guadeloupe, du 25 au 27 Novembre 2019 – CRAG INRA • Bien décrire et documenter ses données La description d’un jeu de données se fait à l’aide de métadonnées (*) qui doivent apporter suffisamment d'éléments (sur la collecte des données, les unités de mesure employées...) pour chercher et trouver le jeu de données, juger de sa qualité/fiabilité, et pouvoir le comprendre ou le réutiliser dans un autre contexte. (*) Définition des métadonnées : Ensemble d’informations structurées qui décrit, explicite, localise une ressource informationnelle, dans le but d’en faciliter la recherche, l’usage, et la gestion. Source : NISO. Understanding Metadata. 2004. Quelques liens utiles : • Site Doranum : https://doranum.fr/metadonnees-standards-formats/ • DataCC : https://www.datacc.org/vos-besoins/documenter-ses-donnees/metadonnees/ • Site DataPartage INRAE : https://www6.inrae.fr/datapartage/Gerer/Documenter-les-donnees En complément des métadonnées, la rédaction d'un fichier READ ME.txt est également recommandée. • Stocker, sécuriser, préserver ses données Bien différencier les notions de stockage et d'archivage. Anticiper pour déterminer les données à éliminer et celles qui doivent être préservées à long terme. • Dans l'environnement INRAE : https://www6.inrae.fr/datapartage/Gerer/Stocker-les-donnees • Site Doranum : https://doranum.fr/stockage-archivage/ • Site DataCC : https://www.datacc.org/vos-besoins/conserver-ses-donnees/ • Partager, ne pas partager ses données ? Dans le cadre de la Science Ouverte, il y a de plus en plus d'incitations voire d'exigences pour rendre accessibles les données, en particulier les données liées aux publications : • de l'édition scientifique : de plus en plus de revues adoptent une "data policy" (à consulter dans les instructions aux auteurs) et exigent des auteurs qu'ils fournissent les données associées aux publications, • des organismes de financement (ANR, Commission Européenne ...), • des politiques nationale (Plan national pour la Science ouverte - Ministère ESR - Juillet 2018) et institutionnelle. Mais attention, toutes les données ne sont pas partageables : assurez-vous que vos données sont bien diffusables au regard du droit et des conditions d'exercice de votre thèse et de son mode de financement (se reporter à votre contrat de thèse). Les données produites dans les organismes de recherche publics sont communicables à tous si elles n'entrent pas dans le cadre d'exceptions légales (sécurité défense, sécurité des populations, patrimoine scientifique et technique, données personnelles, données liées au secret, statistique, etc.) Liens utiles : • sur le site Data Partage, la page Partager-Publier ou la page : "Données de la recherche : qui a les droits, qui doit partager ?" • le site INRAE dédié à la protection des données personnelles et l'application du RGPD (Règlement général sur la protection des données) : https://intranet.inrae.fr/cil-dpo • Valoriser ses données Voici les principales voies de diffusion •  Partager ses données en les déposant dans un entrepôt  Choisir un entrepôt  Déposer dans Data INRAE  Partager ses données comme matériel supplémentaire d'un article (à la demande de l'éditeur)  Publier un Data Paper (article de données) : la meilleure voie en terme de visibilité des données, et pour faciliter leur réutilisation. Pour aller plus loin • Site Doranum o Dépôts et entrepôts. Comment et où déposer mes données ? o Data papers et Data journals. Comment publier mes données comme un article scientifique ? • Site DataCC o Valoriser ses données • Site CoopIST o Déposer des données de recherche dans un entrepôt o Rédiger et publier un data paper dans une revue scientifique A télécharger : Synthèse du processus de rédaction d'un article avec des données associées • Pourquoi ne pas rédiger un plan de gestion de données (PGD) pour votre thèse ? La thèse peut être assimilée à un projet et certaines universités au Royaume Uni, aux Pays-Bas et plus récemment en France préconisent la rédaction d'un plan de gestion associé à la thèse. Le PGD (ou DMP = Data Management Plan) est un outil de planification qui peut vous aider à anticiper et bien gérer toutes les étapes du cycle de vie de vos données, à limiter les risques de perte ou corruption de données, à adopter de bonnes pratiques de gestion, pour in fine produire des données respectueuses des principes FAIR, adoptés aujourd'hui par l'ensemble des acteurs de la recherche. Il est désormais exigé par la plupart des financeurs de la recherche (Commission Européenne et ANR ...) dans le cadre de projets financés. Rédiger un PGD pour votre thèse, peut être un bon exercice pour vous préparer à la future rédaction de réponses à des appels d'offre. Comment faire en pratique ? • Site DataPartage : Pourquoi et comment rédiger un plan de gestion de données ? • Site Doranum : https://doranum.fr/plan-gestion-donnees-dmp/, La minute vidéo PGD • Site DataCC : https://www.datacc.org/bonnes-pratiques/adopter-un-plan-de-gestion-des-donnees/ • Suivre une classe virtuelle INRAE : Open Class "Rédaction d'un PGD" • Produire des données FAIR ! Favoriser la production de données FAIR (Findable - Accessible - Interoperable - Reusable) est aujourd'hui un objectif soutenu par l'ensemble des acteurs de la recherche. Source : https://open-science-training-handbook.gitbook.io/book/ Si vous suivez les conseils et recommandations de cette page, vous avez toutes les chances d'avoir produit des données de qualité. Si vous préférez une version illustrée : "Pensez FAIR" - https://datapartage.inrae.fr/Gerer/Cycle-de-la-donnee Affiche cycle de vie des données réalisée dans le cadre des Missions QualiNous & RGPD, INRAE-ACT Vous pouvez tester le niveau de "Fairification" de vos données grâce à ces outils :  ARDC : https://ardc.edu.au/resources/working-with-data/fair-data/fair-self-assessment-tool • D'autres ressources pour se former ou s'autoformer En interne INRAE • Formation à la science ouverte OSCAR - Module "Gestion et partage des données" • Le site "Gestion et partage des données" • Des classes virtuelles d'environ 2h (Open Class) sont régulièrement proposées sur : o la rédaction des plans de gestion de données, o le dépôt et la description d'un jeu de données dans Data INRAE, o la rédaction et la publication de data papers, Sites externes • Le site DORANUM (Données de la Recherche : Apprentissage NUMérique à la gestion et au partage) propose un dispositif de formation à distance intégrant de nombreuses ressources d’auto-formation déclinées sur différents supports (textes, infographies, vidéos) et sur 9 thématiques. o Parcours interactif sur la gestion des données de la recherche (2020) o • Le site DataCC. Accompagnement à la gestion des données de recherche en physique et en chimie : https://www.datacc.org/ o Data Stories : https://www.datacc.org/reseau-datacc/data-stories/ o • Le dossier "Open Access & Open Data" réalisé par l'Ecole des Ponts - ParisTech • • The Open Science Training Handbook : https://www.ouvrirlascience.fr/the-open-science-training-handbook/

MYTH The British helped the Jews displace the native Arab population of Palestine. FACT Herbert Samuel, a British Jew who served as the first High Commissioner of Palestine, placed restrictions on Jewish immigration “in the ‘interests of the present population’ and the ‘absorptive capacity’ of the country.”1 The influx of Jewish settlers was said to force the Arab fellahin (native peasants) from their land. This was when less than a million people lived in an area that now supports more than nine million. The British limited the absorptive capacity of Palestine when, in 1921, Colonial Secretary Winston Churchill severed nearly four-fifths of Palestine—some thirty-five thousand square miles—to create a new Arab entity, Transjordan. As a consolation prize for the Hejaz and Arabia (which are both now Saudi Arabia) going to the Saud family, Churchill rewarded Sharif Hussein’s son Abdullah for his contribution to the war against Turkey by installing him as Transjordan’s emir. The British went further and placed restrictions on Jewish land purchases in what remained of Palestine. By 1949, the British had allotted 87,500 acres of the 187,500 acres of cultivable land to Arabs and only 4,250 acres to Jews. This contradicted Article 6 of the Mandate which stated that “the Administration of Palestine…shall encourage, in cooperation with the Jewish Agency…close settlement by Jews on the land, including State lands and waste lands not acquired for public purposes.”2 Ultimately, the British admitted that the argument about the country’s absorptive capacity was specious. The Peel Commission said, “The heavy immigration in the years 1933–36 would seem to show that the Jews have been able to enlarge the absorptive capacity of the country for Jews.”3 MYTH The British allowed Jews to flood Palestine while Arab immigration was tightly controlled. FACT The British response to Jewish immigration set a precedent of appeasing the Arabs, which was followed for the duration of the Mandate. The British restricted Jewish immigration while allowing Arabs to enter the country freely. Apparently, London did not feel that a flood of Arab immigrants would affect the country’s “absorptive capacity.” During World War I, the Jewish population in Palestine declined because of the war, famine, disease, and expulsion by the Turks. In 1915, approximately 83,000 Jews lived in Palestine among 590,000 Muslim and Christian Arabs. According to the 1922 census, the Jewish population was 83,000, while the Arabs numbered 643,000.4 Thus, the Arab population grew exponentially while that of the Jews stagnated. In the mid-1920s, Jewish immigration to Palestine increased primarily because of anti-Jewish economic legislation in Poland and Washington’s imposition of restrictive quotas.5 The record number of immigrants in 1935 (see table) was a response to the growing persecution of Jews in Nazi Germany. The British administration considered this number too large, however, so the Jewish Agency was informed that less than one-third of the quota it asked for would be approved in 1936.6 The British gave in further to Arab demands by announcing in the 1939 White Paper that an independent Arab state would be created within ten years and that Jewish immigration was to be limited to 75,000 for the next five years, after which it was to cease altogether. It also forbade land sales to Jews in 95% of the territory of Palestine. The Arabs, nevertheless, rejected the proposal. Jewish Immigration to Palestine7 1919 1,806 1931 4,075 1920 8,223 1932 12,533 1921 8,294 1933 37,337 1922 8,685 1934 45,267 1923 8,175 1935 66,472 1924 13,892 1936 29,595 1925 34,386 1937 10,629 1926 13,855 1938 14,675 1927 3,034 1939 31,195 1928 2,178 1940 10,643 1929 5,249 1941 4,592 1930 4,944 By contrast, throughout the Mandatory period, Arab immigration was unrestricted. In 1930, the Hope Simpson Commission, sent from London to investigate the 1929 Arab riots, said the British practice of ignoring the uncontrolled illegal Arab immigration from Egypt, Transjordan, and Syria had the effect of displacing the prospective Jewish immigrants.8 The British governor of the Sinai from 1922 to 1936 observed, “This illegal immigration was not only going on from the Sinai, but also from Transjordan and Syria, and it is very difficult to make a case out for the misery of the Arabs if at the same time their compatriots from adjoining states could not be kept from going in to share that misery.”9 The Peel Commission reported in 1937 that the “shortfall of land is…due less to the amount of land acquired by Jews than to the increase in the Arab population.”10 MYTH The British changed their policy to allow Holocaust survivors to settle in Palestine. FACT The gates of Palestine remained closed for the duration of the war, stranding hundreds of thousands of Jews in Europe, many of whom became victims of Hitler’s “Final Solution.” After the war, the British refused to allow the survivors of the Nazi nightmare to find sanctuary in Palestine. On June 6, 1946, President Truman urged the British government to relieve the suffering of the Jews confined to displaced persons camps in Europe by immediately accepting 100,000 Jewish immigrants. Britain’s foreign minister Ernest Bevin replied sarcastically that the United States wanted displaced Jews to immigrate to Palestine “because they did not want too many of them in New York.”11 Some Jews reached Palestine, many smuggled in on dilapidated ships organized by the Haganah. Between August 1945 and the establishment of the State of Israel in May 1948, sixty-five “illegal” immigrant ships, carrying 69,878 people, arrived from European shores. In August 1946, however, the British began to intern those they caught in camps on Cyprus. Approximately 50,000 people were detained in the camps, and 28,000 remained imprisoned when Israel declared independence.12 MYTH As the Jewish population grew, the plight of the Palestinian Arabs worsened. FACT In July 1921, Hasan Shukri, the mayor of Haifa and president of the Muslim National Associations, sent a telegram to the British government in reaction to a delegation of Palestinians that went to London to try to stop the implementation of the Balfour Declaration. Shukri wrote: We are certain that without Jewish immigration and financial assistance there will be no future development of our country as may be judged from the fact that the towns inhabited in part by Jews such as Jerusalem, Jaffa, Haifa, and Tiberias are making steady progress while Nablus, Acre, and Nazareth where no Jews reside are steadily declining.13 The Jewish population increased by 470,000 between World War I and World War II, while the non-Jewish population rose by 588,000.14 The permanent Arab population increased by 120% between 1922 and 1947.15 This rapid growth of the Arab population was a result of several factors. One was immigration from neighboring states—constituting 37% of the total immigration to pre-state Israel—by Arabs who wanted to take advantage of the higher standard of living the Jews had made possible.16 The Arab population also grew because of the improved living conditions created by the Jews as they drained malarial swamps and brought improved sanitation and health care to the region. Thus, for example, the Muslim infant mortality rate fell from 201 per thousand in 1925 to 94 per thousand in 1945, and life expectancy rose from 37 years in 1926 to 49 in 1943.17 The Arab population increased the most in cities where large Jewish populations had created new economic opportunities. From 1922–1947, the non-Jewish population increased by 290% in Haifa, 131% in Jerusalem, and 158% in Jaffa. The growth in Arab towns was more modest: 42% in Nablus, 78% in Jenin, and 37% in Bethlehem.18 MYTH Jews stole Arab land. FACT Despite the growth in their population, the Arabs continued to assert they were being displaced. From the beginning of World War I, however, part of Palestine’s land was owned by absentee landlords who lived in Cairo, Damascus, and Beirut. About 80% of the Palestinian Arabs were debt-ridden peasants, semi-nomads, and Bedouins.19 Jews went out of their way to avoid purchasing land in areas where Arabs might be displaced. They sought land that was largely uncultivated, swampy, cheap, and—most important—without tenants. In 1920, Labor Zionist leader David Ben-Gurion expressed his concern about the Arab fellahin, whom he viewed as “the most important asset of the native population.” He insisted that “under no circumstances must we touch land belonging to fellahs or worked by them.” Instead, he advocated helping liberate them from their oppressors. “Only if a fellah leaves his place of settlement,” Ben-Gurion added, “should we offer to buy his land, at an appropriate price.”20 Jews only began to purchase cultivated land after buying all the uncultivated territory. Many Arabs were willing to sell because of the migration to coastal towns and because they needed money to invest in the citrus industry.21 When John Hope Simpson arrived in Palestine in May 1930, he observed, “They [the Jews] paid high prices for the land and, in addition, they paid to certain of the occupants of those lands a considerable amount of money which they were not legally bound to pay.”22 In 1931, Lewis French conducted a survey of landlessness for the British government and offered new plots to any Arabs who had been “dispossessed.” British officials received more than 3,000 applications, of which 80% were ruled invalid by the government’s legal adviser because the applicants were not landless Arabs. This left only about 600 landless Arabs, 100 of whom accepted the government land offer.23 In April 1936, a new outbreak of Arab attacks on Jews was instigated by local Palestinian leaders who were later joined by Arab volunteers led by a Syrian guerrilla named Fawzi al-Qawuqji, the commander of the Arab Liberation Army. By November, when the British finally sent a new commission headed by Lord Peel to investigate, 89 Jews had been killed and more than 300 wounded.24 The Peel Commission’s report found that Arab complaints about Jewish land acquisition were baseless. It pointed out that “much of the land now carrying orange groves was sand dunes or swamp and uncultivated when it was purchased…There was at the time of the earlier sales little evidence that the owners possessed either the resources or training needed to develop the land.”25 Moreover, the Commission found the shortage was “due less to the amount of land acquired by Jews than to the increase in the Arab population.” The report concluded that the presence of Jews in Palestine, along with the work of the British administration, had resulted in higher wages, an improved standard of living, and ample employment opportunities.26 It is made quite clear to all, both by the map drawn up by the Simpson Commission and by another compiled by the Peel Commission, that the Arabs are as prodigal in selling their land as they are in useless wailing and weeping (emphasis in the original). —Transjordan’s king Abdullah27 Even at the height of the Arab revolt in 1938 (which began in April 1936 with the murder of two Jews by Arabs and the subsequent murder of two Arab workers by members of the Jewish underground28), the British high commissioner to Palestine believed the Arab landowners were complaining about sales to Jews to drive up prices for lands they wished to sell. Many Arab landowners had been so terrorized by Arab rebels they decided to leave Palestine and sell their property to the Jews.29 The Jews paid exorbitant prices to wealthy landowners for small tracts of arid land. “In 1944, Jews paid between $1,000 and $1,100 per acre in Palestine, mostly for arid or semiarid land; in the same year, rich black soil in Iowa was selling for about $110 per acre.”30 By 1947, Jewish holdings in Palestine amounted to about 463,000 acres. Approximately 45,000 were acquired from the mandatory government, 30,000 were bought from various churches, and 387,500 were purchased from Arabs. Analyses of land purchases from 1880 to 1948 show that 73% of Jewish plots were purchased from large landowners, not poor fellahin.31 Many leaders of the Arab nationalist movement, including members of the Muslim Supreme Council, and the mayors of Gaza, Jerusalem, and s sold land to the Jews. As’ad el-Shuqeiri, a Muslim religious scholar and father of Palestine Liberation Organization chairman Ahmed Shuqeiri, took Jewish money for his land. Even King Abdullah leased land to the Jews.32 MYTH The British helped the Palestinians to live peacefully with the Jews. FACT In 1921, Haj Amin el-Husseini first began to organize fedayeen (“one who sacrifices himself”) to terrorize Jews. El-Husseini hoped to duplicate the success of Kemal Atatürk in Turkey by driving the Jews out of Palestine just as Kemal had driven the invading Greeks from his country.33 Arab radicals gained influence because the British administration was unwilling to take effective action against them until they began a revolt against British rule. Colonel Richard Meinertzhagen, former head of British military intelligence in Cairo, and later chief political officer for Palestine and Syria, wrote in his diary that British officials “incline towards the exclusion of Zionism in Palestine.” The British encouraged the Palestinians to attack the Jews. According to Meinertzhagen, Col. Bertie Harry Waters-Taylor (financial adviser to the military administration in Palestine 1919–23) met with el-Husseini in 1920, a few days before Easter, and told him that “he had a great opportunity at Easter to show the world…that Zionism was unpopular not only with the Palestine administration but in Whitehall.” He added that “if disturbances of sufficient violence occurred in Jerusalem at Easter, both General [Louis] Bols [chief administrator in Palestine, 1919–20] and General [Edmund] Allenby [commander of the Egyptian force, 1917–19, then high commissioner of Egypt] would advocate the abandonment of the Jewish Home. Waters-Taylor explained that freedom could only be attained through violence.”34 El-Husseini took the colonel’s advice and instigated a riot. The British withdrew their troops and the Jewish police from Jerusalem, allowing the Arab mob to attack Jews and loot their shops. Because of el-Husseini’s overt role in instigating the pogrom, the British decided to arrest him. He escaped, however, and was sentenced to ten years in absentia. A year later, some British Arabists convinced High Commissioner Herbert Samuel to pardon el-Husseini and to appoint him Mufti (a cleric in charge of Jerusalem’s Islamic holy places). By contrast, Vladimir Jabotinsky and several followers, who had formed a Jewish defense organization during the unrest, were sentenced to 15 years. They were released a few months later.35 Samuel met with el-Husseini on April 11, 1921, and was assured “that the influences of his family and himself would be devoted to tranquility.” Three weeks later, riots in Jaffa and elsewhere left forty-three Jews dead.36 El-Husseini consolidated his power and took control of all Muslim religious funds in Palestine. He used his authority to gain control over the mosques, the schools, and the courts. No Arab could reach an influential position without being loyal to the Mufti. His power was so absolute that “no Muslim in Palestine could be born or die without being beholden to Haj Amin.”37 The Mufti’s henchmen also ensured he would have no opposition by systematically killing Palestinians who discussed cooperation with the Jews from rival clans. As the spokesman for Palestinian Arabs, el-Husseini did not ask that Britain grant them independence. On the contrary, in a letter to Churchill in 1921, he demanded that Palestine be reunited with Syria and Transjordan.38 The Arabs found rioting an effective political tool because of the lax British response toward violence against Jews. In handling each riot, the British prevented Jews from protecting themselves but made little effort to prevent the Arabs from attacking them. After each outbreak, a British commission of inquiry would try to establish the cause of the violence. The conclusion was always the same: The Arabs feared being displaced by the Jews. To stop the rioting, the commissions would recommend that restrictions be placed on Jewish immigration. Thus, the Arabs learned they could always stop the influx of Jews by staging riots. This cycle began after a series of riots in May 1921. After failing to protect the Jewish community from Arab mobs, the British appointed the Haycraft Commission to investigate the cause of the violence. Although the panel concluded the Arabs had been the aggressors, it rationalized the cause of the attack: “The fundamental cause of the riots was a feeling among the Arabs of discontent with, and hostility to, the Jews, due to political and economic causes, and connected with Jewish immigration, and with their conception of Zionist policy.”39 One consequence of the violence was the institution of a temporary ban on Jewish immigration. The Arab fear of being “displaced” or “dominated” was an excuse for their attacks on Jewish settlers. Note, too, that these riots were not inspired by nationalistic fervor—nationalists would have rebelled against their British overlords—they were motivated by economics, the radical Islamic views of the Mufti, and misunderstanding. In 1929, Arab provocateurs convinced the masses that the Jews had designs on the Temple Mount (a tactic still used today to incite violence). A Jewish religious observance at the Western Wall, which forms a part of the Temple Mount, served as a pretext for rioting by Arabs against Jews, which spilled out of Jerusalem into other villages and towns, including Safed and Hebron. Again, the British administration made no effort to prevent the violence, and, after it began, the British did nothing to protect the Jewish population. After six days of mayhem, the British finally brought troops in to quell the disturbance. By this time, most of Hebron’s Jews had fled or been killed. In all, 133 Jews were killed and 399 wounded in the pogroms.40 After the riots, the British ordered an investigation, resulting in the Passfield White Paper. It said the “immigration, land purchase and settlement policies of the Zionist Organization were already or were likely to become, prejudicial to Arab interests. It understood the mandatory government’s obligation to the non-Jewish community to mean that Palestine’s resources must be primarily reserved for the growing Arab economy.”41 This meant it was necessary to restrict Jewish immigration and land purchases. MYTH The Mufti was not a Nazi collaborator. FACT In 1941, Haj Amin al-Husseini, the Mufti of Jerusalem, fled to Germany and met with Adolf Hitler, Heinrich Himmler, Joachim Von Ribbentrop, and other Nazi leaders. He wanted to persuade them to extend the Nazis’ anti-Jewish program to the Arab world. The Mufti sent Hitler fifteen drafts of declarations he wanted Germany and Italy to make concerning the Middle East. One called on the two countries to declare the illegality of the Jewish home in Palestine. He also asked the Axis powers to “accord to Palestine and to other Arab countries the right to solve the problem of the Jewish elements in Palestine and other Arab countries in accordance with the interest of the Arabs, and by the same method that the question is now being settled in the Axis countries.”42 In November 1941, the Mufti met with Hitler, who told him the Jews were his foremost enemy. The Nazi dictator rebuffed the Mufti’s requests for a declaration in support of the Arabs, however, telling him the time was not right. The Mufti offered Hitler his “thanks for the sympathy which he had always shown for the Arab and especially Palestinian cause, and to which he had given clear expression in his public speeches.” He added, “The Arabs were Germany’s natural friends because they had the same enemies as had Germany, namely…the Jews.” Hitler told the Mufti he opposed the creation of a Jewish state and that Germany’s objective was destroying the Jewish element in the Arab sphere.43 In 1945, Yugoslavia sought to indict the Mufti as a war criminal for his role in recruiting twenty thousand Muslim volunteers for the SS, who participated in the killing of Jews in Croatia and Hungary. He escaped French detention in 1946, however, and continued his fight against the Jews from Cairo and later Beirut where he died in 1974. MYTH The bombing of the King David Hotel was part of a deliberate terror campaign against civilians. FACT British troops seized the Jewish Agency compound on June 29, 1946, and confiscated large quantities of documents. At about the same time, more than 2,500 Jews from all over Palestine were arrested. A week later, news of a massacre of 40 Jews in a pogrom in Poland reminded the Jews of Palestine how Britain’s restrictive immigration policy had condemned thousands to death. In response to the British provocations, and a desire to demonstrate that the Jews’ spirit could not be broken, the United Resistance Movement planned to bomb the King David Hotel, which housed the British military command and the Criminal Investigation Division in addition to hotel guests. The Haganah pulled out of the plot and left it up to the Irgun. Irgun leader Menachem Begin stressed his desire to avoid civilian casualties and the plan was to warn the British so they would evacuate the building before it was blown up. Three telephone calls were placed on July 22, 1946, one to the hotel, another to the French Consulate, and a third to the Palestine Post warning that explosives in the King David Hotel would soon be detonated. The call to the hotel was received and ignored. Begin quotes one British official who supposedly refused to evacuate the building, saying, “We don’t take orders from the Jews.”44 As a result, when the bombs exploded, the casualty toll was high: 91 killed and 45 injured. Among the casualties were 15 Jews. Few people in the main part of the hotel were injured.45 For decades, the British denied they had been warned. In 1979, however, a member of the British Parliament provided the testimony of a British officer who heard other officers in the King David Hotel bar joking about a Zionist threat to the headquarters. The officer who overheard the conversation immediately left the hotel and survived.46 In contrast to Arab attacks against Jews, which Arab leaders hailed as heroic actions, the Jewish National Council denounced the bombing of the King David.47 1 Aharon Cohen, Israel and the Arab World, (NY: Funk and Wagnalls, 1970), p. 172

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