Common Sense, Declaration of Independence, independence, petition, natural rights

1. Battle of Lexington At the Battle of Lexington in 1775, British soldiers and colonial militia faced each other on the village green. A shot was fired, but no one knows for sure who fired first. Even so, this moment is often called the beginning of the American Revolution. Why is the Battle of Lexington still considered the start of the American Revolution, even though it is unclear who fired the first shot? A. It marked the first time colonists and British soldiers fought in open battle B. It proved that colonists planned the war long before the fighting began C. It showed that British soldiers were fully responsible for starting the war D. It confirmed that colonists had already declared independence from Britain 2. Battle of Concord After the fighting at Lexington, British troops marched to Concord to destroy colonial supplies. Instead, colonial militia gathered and fought back, forcing the British to retreat toward Boston. Why is the Battle of Concord considered an important turning point in the early American Revolution? A. It showed that colonial militias could organize and successfully push back British troops B. It proved that the British army had already lost control of all the colonies C. It confirmed that the colonies had officially declared independence from Britain D. It demonstrated that foreign countries were already helping the colonial forces 3. Second Continental Congress Much of the early violent conflict between colonists and British soldiers took place in Boston. After fighting broke out at Lexington and Concord near Boston, colonial leaders met at the Second Continental Congress in 1775 to decide what to do next. Which answer best describes the main actions taken by the Second Continental Congress? A. They created an army, chose a leader, and tried to avoid war with Britain B. They declared independence, wrote the Constitution, and ended the war C. They raised taxes, formed a monarchy, and supported British rule D. They ended slavery, gave women rights, and expanded voting laws 4. Olive Branch Petition In 1775, colonial leaders sent a letter called the Olive Branch Petition to King George III of Britain. Based on this situation, what was the main purpose of the Olive Branch Petition sent to the king? A. To ask the king to restore peace between both sides B. To declare independence from Britain and begin a new nation C. To request help from foreign countries in the war effort D. To organize protests against British taxes across the colonies 5. Battle of Bunker Hill On June 17, 1775, during the Battle of Bunker Hill in Boston, colonial forces fought against the British on a hill overlooking the city. The fighting was intense and led to heavy losses on both sides. Which statement best explains why the Battle of Bunker Hill was an important battle in the war? A. The colonists won the battle, showing they were stronger than British forces B. The colonists won the battle, showing the British that the war would be short and easy for the colonists C. The British won the battle, showing the war would be difficult and costly for both sides D. The British won the battle, showing British forces could defeat the colonists easily 6. Pamphlets During the American Revolution, pamphlets were short printed writings that were inexpensive to produce and often written in everyday language so many colonists could read them. How did these features of pamphlets most affect their role in the American Revolution? A. They helped spread ideas widely, allowing more colonists to form and share opinions B. They limited ideas to educated leaders, keeping most colonists uninvolved C. They replaced newspapers entirely, becoming the only source of information D. They prevented disagreement, causing most colonists to think the same way 7. Thomas Paine’s Common Sense In 1776, Thomas Paine published Common Sense, a widely read piece of writing about the relationship between the colonies and Britain. How did this pamphlet most influence colonial thinking during the American Revolution? A. It encouraged colonists to support independence from Britain B. It convinced colonists to remain loyal to the British government C. It explained how colonial armies should organize attacks D. It described laws colonists were expected to follow 8. Declaration of Independence In July 1776, the Declaration of Independence listed complaints against King George III and explained the colonists’ ideas about government and rights. How do these parts of the Declaration of Independence work together to support the colonists’ decision? A. They connect ideas about rights to real examples, justifying separation from Britain B. They describe past events in detail, showing how the war had already ended C. They list future plans for government, explaining how leaders would be chosen D. They organize military actions, showing how the colonies planned to win 9. Washington Crosses the Delaware and Battle of Trenton In December 1776, George Washington led his army across the Delaware River and launched a surprise attack on Hessian mercenaries in Trenton. Which statement best explains why Washington’s crossing of the Delaware and the attack on Trenton was an important turning point in the war? A. It defeated British forces completely, ending the war in a short time B. It boosted morale, helping discouraged soldiers choose to keep fighting C. It brought foreign allies into the war, adding support for the colonies D. It led to independence, allowing the colonies to form a new nation 10. Battle of Saratoga In 1777, American forces defeated the British at the Battle of Saratoga, a major event during the American Revolution. Which statement best explains why the Battle of Saratoga was an important turning point in the war? A. It brought French support, helping Americans gain a strong advantage in the war B. It ended the war quickly, forcing Britain to surrender all control in the colonies C. It improved army training, helping soldiers become more skilled in future battles D. It changed leadership roles, causing new generals to take control of the army 11. Battle of Yorktown In 1781, American forces surrounded British troops at Yorktown, leading to a major moment in the American Revolution. Which statement best explains why the Battle of Yorktown was an important event in the war? A. French forces helped the Americans win, leading to the end of major fighting in the war B. Italian forces helped the British win, leading to a final victory over the American army C. German forces switched sides and helped the Americans win, leading to a final defeat for British troops D. French forces helped the British win, leading to a complete end of the war in the colonies 12. Treaty of Paris After the Battle of Yorktown, British public opinion turned against the war, and peace negotiations began. In 1783, American leaders signed the Treaty of Paris, which included agreements between the United States and Britain. Which statement best explains how the Treaty of Paris reflected the outcome of the American Revolution? A. Both sides made agreements, recognizing independence B. Americans gained independence, taking land without agreements C. British leaders kept control, ending the war with power D. Both sides refused compromise, continuing the war

When it was his turn to speak, Adam Malik, Presidium Minister for Political Affairs and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Indonesia, recalled that about a year before, in Bangkok, at the conclusion of the peace talks between Indonesia and Malaysia, he had explored the idea of an organization such as ASEAN with his Malaysian and Thai counterparts. One of the “angry young men” in his country’s struggle for independence two decades earlier, Adam Malik was then 50 years old and one of a Presidium of five led by then General Soeharto that was steering Indonesia from the verge of economic and political chaos. He was the Presidium’s point man in Indonesia’s efforts to mend fences with its neighbors in the wake of an unfortunate policy of confrontation. During the past year, he said, the Ministers had all worked together toward the realization of the ASEAN idea, “making haste slowly, in order to build a new association for regional cooperation.” Adam Malik went on to describe Indonesia’s vision of a Southeast Asia developing into “a region which can stand on its own feet, strong enough to defend itself against any negative influence from outside the region.” Such a vision, he stressed, was not wishful thinking, if the countries of the region effectively cooperated with each other, considering their combined natural resources and manpower. He referred to differences of outlook among the member countries, but those differences, he said, would be overcome through a maximum of goodwill and understanding, faith and realism. Hard work, patience and perseverance, he added, would also be necessary. The countries of Southeast Asia should also be willing to take responsibility for whatever happens to them, according to Tun Abdul Razak, the Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia, who spoke next. In his speech, he conjured a vision of an ASEAN that would include all the countries of Southeast Asia. Tun Abdul Razak was then concurrently his country’s Minister of Defence and Minister of National Development. It was a time when national survival was the overriding thrust of Malaysia’s relations with other nations and so as Minister of Defence, he was in charge of his country’s foreign affairs. He stressed that the countries of the region should recognize that unless they assumed their common responsibility to shape their own destiny and to prevent external intervention and interference, Southeast Asia would remain fraught with danger and tension. And unless they took decisive and collective action to prevent the eruption of intra-regional conflicts, the nations of Southeast Asia would remain susceptible to manipulation, one against another. “We the nations and peoples of Southeast Asia,” Tun Abdul Razak said, “must get together and form by ourselves a new perspective and a new framework for our region. It is important that individually and jointly we should create a deep awareness that we cannot survive for long as independent but isolated peoples unless we also think and act together and unless we prove by deeds that we belong to a family of Southeast Asian nations bound together by ties of friendship and goodwill and imbued with our own ideals and aspirations and determined to shape our own destiny”. He added that, “with the establishment of ASEAN, we have taken a firm and a bold step on that road”. For his part, S. Rajaratnam, a former Minister of Culture of multi-cultural Singapore who, at that time, served as its first Foreign Minister, noted that two decades of nationalist fervor had not fulfilled the expectations of the people of Southeast Asia for better living standards. If ASEAN would succeed, he said, then its members would have to marry national thinking with regional thinking. “We must now think at two levels,” Rajaratnam said. “We must think not only of our national interests but posit them against regional interests: that is a new way of thinking about our problems. And these are two different things and sometimes they can conflict. Secondly, we must also accept the fact, if we are really serious about it, that regional existence means painful adjustments to those practices and thinking in our respective countries. We must make these painful and difficult adjustments. If we are not going to do that, then regionalism remains a utopia.” S. Rajaratnam expressed the fear, however, that ASEAN would be misunderstood. “We are not against anything”, he said, “not against anybody”. And here he used a term that would have an ominous ring even today: balkanization. In Southeast Asia, as in Europe and any part of the world, he said, outside powers had a vested interest in the balkanization of the region. “We want to ensure,” he said, “a stable Southeast Asia, not a balkanized Southeast Asia. And those countries who are interested, genuinely interested, in the stability of Southeast Asia, the prosperity of Southeast Asia, and better economic and social conditions, will welcome small countries getting together to pool their collective resources and their collective wisdom to contribute to the peace of the world.” The goal of ASEAN, then, is to create, not to destroy. This, the Foreign Minister of Thailand, Thanat Khoman, stressed when it was his turn to speak. At a time when the Vietnam conflict was raging and American forces seemed forever entrenched in Indochina, he had foreseen their eventual withdrawal from the area and had accordingly applied himself to adjusting Thailand’s foreign policy to a reality that would only become apparent more than half a decade later. He must have had that in mind when, on that occasion, he said that the countries of Southeast Asia had no choice but to adjust to the exigencies of the time, to move toward closer cooperation and even integration. Elaborating on ASEAN objectives, he spoke of “building a new society that will be responsive to the needs of our time and efficiently equipped to bring about, for the enjoyment and the material as well as spiritual advancement of our peoples, conditions of stability and progress. Particularly what millions of men and women in our part of the world want is to erase the old and obsolete concept of domination and subjection of the past and replace it with the new spirit of give and take, of equality and partnership. More than anything else, they want to be master of their own house and to enjoy the inherent right to decide their own destiny …” While the nations of Southeast Asia prevent attempts to deprive them of their freedom and sovereignty, he said, they must first free themselves from the material impediments of ignorance, disease and hunger. Each of these nations cannot accomplish that alone, but by joining together and cooperating with those who have the same aspirations, these objectives become easier to attain. Then Thanat Khoman concluded: “What we have decided today is only a small beginning of what we hope will be a long and continuous sequence of accomplishments of which we ourselves, those who will join us later and the generations to come, can be proud. Let it be for Southeast Asia, a potentially rich region, rich in history, in spiritual as well as material resources and indeed for the whole ancient continent of Asia, the light of happiness and well-being that will shine over the uncounted millions of our struggling peoples.” The Foreign Minister of Thailand closed the inaugural session of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations by presenting each of his colleagues with a memento. Inscribed on the memento presented to the Foreign Minister of Indonesia, was the citation, “In recognition of services rendered by His Excellency Adam Malik to the ASEAN organization, the name of which was suggested by him.” And that was how ASEAN was conceived, given a name, and born. It had been barely 14 months since Thanat Khoman brought up the ASEAN idea in his conversations with his Malaysian and Indonesian colleagues. In about three more weeks, Indonesia would fully restore diplomatic relations with Malaysia, and soon after that with Singapore. That was by no means the end to intra-ASEAN disputes, for soon the Philippines and Malaysia would have a falling out on the issue of sovereignty over Sabah. Many disputes between ASEAN countries persist to this day. But all Member Countries are deeply committed to resolving their differences through peaceful means and in the spirit of mutual accommodation. Every dispute would have its proper season but it would not be allowed to get in the way of the task at hand. And at that time, the essential task was to lay the framework of regional dialogue and cooperation. The two-page Bangkok Declaration not only contains the rationale for the establishment of ASEAN and its specific objectives. It represents the organization’s modus operandi of building on small steps, voluntary, and informal arrangements towards more binding and institutionalized agreements. All the founding member states and the newer members have stood fast to the spirit of the Bangkok Declaration. Over the years, ASEAN has progressively entered into several formal and legally-binding instruments, such as the 1976 Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia and the 1995 Treaty on the Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone. Against the backdrop of conflict in the then Indochina, the Founding Fathers had the foresight of building a community of and for all Southeast Asian states. Thus the Bangkok Declaration promulgated that “the Association is open for participation to all States in the Southeast Asian region subscribing to the aforementioned aims, principles and purposes.” ASEAN’s inclusive outlook has paved the way for community-building not only in Southeast Asia, but also in the broader Asia Pacific region where several other inter-governmental organizations now co-exist. The original ASEAN logo presented five brown sheaves of rice stalks, one for each founding member. Beneath the sheaves is the legend “ASEAN” in blue. These are set on a field of yellow encircled by a blue border. Brown stands for strength and stability, yellow for prosperity and blue for the spirit of cordiality in which ASEAN affairs are conducted. When ASEAN celebrated its 30th Anniversary in 1997, the sheaves on the logo had increased to ten – representing all ten countries of Southeast Asia and reflecting the colors of the flags of all of them. In a very real sense, ASEAN and Southeast Asia would then be one and the same, just as the Founding Fathers had envisioned. This article is based on the first chapter of ASEAN at 30, a publication of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in commemoration of its 30th Anniversary on 8 August 1997, written by Jamil Maidan Flores and Jun Abad.

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