COMPARING LARGE NUMBERS WITH DIFFERENT FORMS

“There’s No Such Thing as Sound Science” by By Christie Aschwanden was a lead science writer for FiveThirtyEight. FiveThirtyEight, Science, Dec. 6, 2017 Science is being turned against itself. For decades, its twin ideals of transparency and rigor have been weaponized by those who disagree with results produced by the scientific method. Under the Trump administration, that fight has ramped up again. In a move ostensibly meant to reduce conflicts of interest, Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Scott Pruitt has removed a number of scientists from advisory panels and replaced some of them with representatives from industries that the agency regulates. Like many in the Trump administration, Pruitt has also cast doubt on the reliability of climate science. For instance, in an interview with CNBC, Pruitt said that “measuring with precision human activity on the climate is something very challenging to do.” Similarly, Trump’s pick to head NASA, an agency that oversees a large portion the nation’s climate research, has insisted that research into human influence on climate lacks certainty, and he falsely claimed that “global temperatures stopped rising 10 years ago.” Kathleen Hartnett White, Trump’s nominee to head the White House Council on Environmental Quality, said in a Senate hearing last month that she thinks we “need to have more precise explanations of the human role and the natural role” in climate change. The same entreaties crop up again and again: We need to root out conflicts. We need more precise evidence. What makes these arguments so powerful is that they sound quite similar to the points raised by proponents of a very different call for change that’s coming from within science. This other movement strives to produce more robust, reproducible findings. Despite having dissimilar goals, the two forces espouse principles that look surprisingly alike: Science needs to be transparent. Results and methods should be openly shared so that outside researchers can independently reproduce and validate them. The methods used to collect and analyze data should be rigorous and clear, and conclusions must be supported by evidence. These are the arguments underlying an “open science” reform movement that was created, in part, as a response to a “reproducibility crisis” that has struck some fields of science.1 But they’re also used as talking points by politicians who are working to make it more difficult for the EPA and other federal agencies to use science in their regulatory decision-making, under the guise of basing policy on “sound science.” Science’s virtues are being wielded against it. What distinguishes the two calls for transparency is intent: Whereas the “open science” movement aims to make science more reliable, reproducible and robust, proponents of “sound science” have historically worked to amplify uncertainty, create doubt and undermine scientific discoveries that threaten their interests. “Our criticisms are founded in a confidence in science,” said Steven Goodman, co-director of the Meta-Research Innovation Center at Stanford and a proponent of open science. “That’s a fundamental difference — we’re critiquing science to make it better. Others are critiquing it to devalue the approach itself.” Calls to base public policy on “sound science” seem unassailable if you don’t know the term’s history. The phrase was adopted by the tobacco industry in the 1990s to counteract mounting evidence linking secondhand smoke to cancer. A 1992 Environmental Protection Agency report identified secondhand smoke as a human carcinogen, and Philip Morris responded by launching an initiative to promote what it called “sound science.” In an internal memo, Philip Morris vice president of corporate affairs Ellen Merlo wrote that the program was designed to “discredit the EPA report,” “prevent states and cities, as well as businesses from passing smoking bans” and “proactively” pass legislation to help their cause. The sound science tactic exploits a fundamental feature of the scientific process: Science does not produce absolute certainty. Contrary to how it’s sometimes represented to the public, science is not a magic wand that turns everything it touches to truth. Instead, it’s a process of uncertainty reduction, much like a game of 20 Questions. Any given study can rarely answer more than one question at a time, and each study usually raises a bunch of new questions in the process of answering old ones. “Science is a process rather than an answer,” said psychologist Alison Ledgerwood of the University of California, Davis. Every answer is provisional and subject to change in the face of new evidence. It’s not entirely correct to say that “this study proves this fact,” Ledgerwood said. “We should be talking instead about how science increases or decreases our confidence in something.” The tobacco industry’s brilliant tactic was to turn this baked-in uncertainty against the scientific enterprise itself. While insisting that they merely wanted to ensure that public policy was based on sound science, tobacco companies defined the term in a way that ensured that no science could ever be sound enough. The only sound science was certain science, which is an impossible standard to achieve. “Doubt is our product,” wrote one employee of the Brown & Williamson tobacco company in a 1969 internal memo. The note went on to say that doubt “is the best means of competing with the ‘body of fact’” and “establishing a controversy.” These strategies for undermining inconvenient science were so effective that they’ve served as a sort of playbook for industry interests ever since, said Stanford University science historian Robert Proctor. The sound science push is no longer just Philip Morris sowing doubt about the links between cigarettes and cancer. It’s also a 1998 action plan by the American Petroleum Institute, Chevron and Exxon Mobil to “install uncertainty” about the link between greenhouse gas emissions and climate change. It’s industry-funded groups’ late-1990s effort to question the science the EPA was using to set fine-particle-pollution air-quality standards that the industry didn’t want. And then there was the more recent effort by Dow Chemical to insist on more scientific certainty before banning a pesticide that the EPA’s scientists had deemed risky to children. Now comes a move by the Trump administration’s EPA to repeal a 2015 rule on wetlands protection by disregarding particular studies. (To name just a few examples.) Doubt merchants aren’t pushing for knowledge, they’re practicing what Proctor has dubbed “agnogenesis” — the intentional manufacture of ignorance. This ignorance isn’t simply the absence of knowing something; it’s a lack of comprehension deliberately created by agents who don’t want you to know, Proctor said.2 In the hands of doubt-makers, transparency becomes a rhetorical move. “It’s really difficult as a scientist or policy maker to make a stand against transparency and openness, because well, who would be against it?” said Karen Levy, researcher on information science at Cornell University. But at the same time, “you can couch everything in the language of transparency and it becomes a powerful weapon.” For instance, when the EPA was preparing to set new limits on particulate pollution in the 1990s, industry groups pushed back against the research and demanded access to primary data (including records that researchers had promised participants would remain confidential) and a reanalysis of the evidence. Their calls succeeded and a new analysis was performed. The reanalysis essentially confirmed the original conclusions, but the process of conducting it delayed the implementation of regulations and cost researchers time and money. Delay is a time-tested strategy. “Gridlock is the greatest friend a global warming skeptic has,” said Marc Morano, a prominent critic of global warming research and the executive director of ClimateDepot.com, in the documentary “Merchants of Doubt” (based on the book by the same name). Morano’s site is a project of the Committee for a Constructive Tomorrow, which has received funding from the oil and gas industry. “We’re the negative force. We’re just trying to stop stuff.” Some of these ploys are getting a fresh boost from Congress. The Data Quality Act (also known as the Information Quality Act) was reportedly written by an industry lobbyist and quietly passed as part of an appropriations bill in 2000. The rule mandates that federal agencies ensure the “quality, objectivity, utility, and integrity of information” that they disseminate, though it does little to define what these terms mean. The law also provides a mechanism for citizens and groups to challenge information that they deem inaccurate, including science that they disagree with. “It was passed in this very quiet way with no explicit debate about it — that should tell you a lot about the real goals,” Levy said. But what’s most telling about the Data Quality Act is how it’s been used, Levy said. A 2004 Washington Post analysis found that in the 20 months following its implementation, the act was repeatedly used by industry groups to push back against proposed regulations and bog down the decision-making process. Instead of deploying transparency as a fundamental principle that applies to all science, these interests have used transparency as a weapon to attack very particular findings that they would like to eradicate. Now Congress is considering another way to legislate how science is used. The Honest Act, a bill sponsored by Rep. Lamar Smith of Texas,3 is another example of what Levy calls a “Trojan horse” law that uses the language of transparency as a cover to achieve other political goals. Smith’s legislation would severely limit the kind of evidence the EPA could use for decision-making. Only studies whose raw data and computer codes were publicly available would be allowed for consideration. That might sound perfectly reasonable, and in many cases it is, Goodman said. But sometimes there are good reasons why researchers can’t conform to these rules, like when the data contains confidential or sensitive medical information.4 Critics, which include more than a dozen scientific organizations, argue that, in practice, the rules would prevent many studies from being considered in EPA reviews.5 It might seem like an easy task to sort good science from bad, but in reality it’s not so simple. “There’s a misplaced idea that we can definitively distinguish the good from the not-good science, but it’s all a matter of degree,” said Brian Nosek, executive director of the Center for Open Science. “There is no perfect study.” Requiring regulators to wait until they have (nonexistent) perfect evidence is essentially “a way of saying, ‘We don’t want to use evidence for our decision-making,’” Nosek said. Most scientific controversies aren’t about science at all, and once the sides are drawn, more data is unlikely to bring opponents into agreement. Michael Carolan, who researches the sociology of technology and scientific knowledge at Colorado State University, wrote in a 2008 paper about why objective knowledge is not enough to resolve environmental controversies. “While these controversies may appear on the surface to rest on disputed questions of fact, beneath often reside differing positions of value; values that can give shape to differing understandings of what ‘the facts’ are.” What’s needed in these cases isn’t more or better science, but mechanisms to bring those hidden values to the forefront of the discussion so that they can be debated transparently. “As long as we continue down this unabashedly naive road about what science is, and what it is capable of doing, we will continue to fail to reach any sort of meaningful consensus on these matters,” Carolan writes. The dispute over tobacco was never about the science of cigarettes’ link to cancer. It was about whether companies have the right to sell dangerous products and, if so, what obligations they have to the consumers who purchased them. Similarly, the debate over climate change isn’t about whether our planet is heating, but about how much responsibility each country and person bears for stopping it. While researching her book “Merchants of Doubt,” science historian Naomi Oreskes found that some of the same people who were defending the tobacco industry as scientific experts were also receiving industry money to deny the role of human activity in global warming. What these issues had in common, she realized, was that they all involved the need for government action. “None of this is about the science. All of this is a political debate about the role of government,” she said in the documentary. These controversies are really about values, not scientific facts, and acknowledging that would allow us to have more truthful and productive debates. What would that look like in practice? Instead of cherry-picking evidence to support a particular view (and insisting that the science points to a desired action), the various sides could lay out the values they are using to assess the evidence. For instance, in Europe, many decisions are guided by the precautionary principle — a system that values caution in the face of uncertainty and says that when the risks are unclear, it should be up to industries to show that their products and processes are not harmful, rather than requiring the government to prove that they are harmful before they can be regulated. By contrast, U.S. agencies tend to wait for strong evidence of harm before issuing regulations. Both approaches have critics, but the difference between them comes down to priorities: Is it better to exercise caution at the risk of burdening companies and perhaps the economy, or is it more important to avoid potential economic downsides even if it means that sometimes a harmful product or industrial process goes unregulated? In other words, under what circumstances do we agree to act on a risk? How certain do we need to be that the risk is real, and how many people would need to be at risk, and how costly is it to reduce that risk? Those are moral questions, not scientific ones, and openly discussing and identifying these kinds of judgment calls would lead to a more honest debate. Science matters, and we need to do it as rigorously as possible. But science can’t tell us how risky is too risky to allow products like cigarettes or potentially harmful pesticides to be sold — those are value judgements that only humans can make.

A solution is a mixture in which one or more substances are uniformly distributed in another substance. Solutions can be mixtures of liquids, solids, or gases. For example, plasma, the liquid part of blood, is a very complex solution. It is composed of many types of ions and large molecules, as well as gases, that are dissolved in water. A solute (SAHL-YOOT) is a substance dissolved in the solvent. The particles that compose a solute may be ions, atoms, or molecules. The solvent is the substance in which the solute is dissolved. For example, when sugar, a solute, and water, a solvent, are mixed, a solution of sugar water results. Though the sugar dissolves in the water, neither the sugar molecules nor the water molecules are altered chemically. If the water is boiled away, the sugar molecules remain and are unchanged. Solutions can be composed of various proportions of a given solute in a given solvent. Thus, solutions can vary in concentra- tion. The concentration of a solution is the amount of solute dis- solved in a fixed amount of the solution. For example, a 2 percent saltwater solution contains 2 g of salt dissolved in enough water to make 100 mL of solution. The more solute dissolved, the greater is the concentration of the solution. A saturated solution is one in which no more solute can dissolve. Aqueous (AY-kwee-uhs) solutions—solutions in which water is the solvent—are universally important to living things. Marine microorganisms spend their lives immersed in the sea, an aqueous solution. Most nutrients that plants need are in aqueous solutions in moist soil. Body cells exist in an aqueous solution of intercellu- lar fluid and are themselves filled with fluid; in fact, most chemical reactions that occur in the body occur in aqueous solutions. Copyright © by Holt, Rinehart and Winston. All rights reserved. Liquid water Solid water Ice (solid water) is less dense than liquid water because of the structure of ice crystals. The water molecules in ice are bonded to each other in a way that creates large amounts of open space between the molecules, relative to liquid water. FIGURE 2-12 solvent from the Latin solvere, meaning “to loosen” Word Roots and Origins CHEMISTRY OF LIFE 43 ACIDS AND BASES One of the most important aspects of a living system is the degree of its acidity or alkalinity. What do we mean when we use the terms acid and base? Ionization of Water As water molecules move about, they bump into one another. Some of these collisions are strong enough to result in a chemical change: one water molecule loses a proton (a hydrogen nucleus), and the other gains this proton. This reaction really occurs in two steps. First, one molecule of water pulls apart another water molecule, or dissociates, into two ions of opposite charge: H2O ∏ H OH The OH ion is known as the hydroxide ion. The free H ion can react with another water molecule, as shown in the equation below. H H2O ∏ H3O The H3O ion is known as the hydronium ion. Acidity or alkalin- ity is a measure of the relative amounts of hydronium ions and hydroxide ions dissolved in a solution. If the number of hydronium ions in a solution equals the number of hydroxide ions, the solution is said to be neutral. Pure water contains equal numbers of hydro- nium ions and hydroxide ions and is therefore a neutral solution. Acids If the number of hydronium ions in a solution is greater than the number of hydroxide ions, the solution is an acid. For example, when hydrogen chloride gas, HCl, is dissolved in water, its mol- ecules dissociate to form hydrogen ions, H, and chloride ions, Cl, as is shown in the equation below. HCl ∏ H Cl These free hydrogen ions combine with water molecules to form hydronium ions, H3O. This aqueous solution contains many more hydronium ions than it does hydroxide ions, making it an acidic solution. Acids tend to have a sour taste; how- ever, never taste a substance to test it for acidity. In concentrated forms, they are highly corrosive to some materials, as you can see in Figure 2-13. Bases If sodium hydroxide, NaOH, a solid, is dissolved in water, it dissociates to form sodium ions, Na, and hydroxide ions, OH, as shown in the equation below. NaOH ∏ Na OH Copyright © by Holt, Rinehart and Winston. All rights reserved. Eco Connection onnection Acid Precipitation Acid precipitation, more commonly called acid rain, describes rain, snow, sleet, or fog that contains high levels of sulfuric and nitric acids. These acids form when sulfur dioxide gas, SO2, and nitrogen oxide gas, NO, react with water in the atmosphere to produce sulfuric acid, H2SO4, and nitric acid, HNO3. Acid precipitation makes soil and bodies of water, such as lakes, more acidic than normal. These high acid levels can harm plant and animal life directly. A high level of acid in a lake may kill mollusks, fish, and amphibians. Even in a lake that does not have a very elevated level of acid, acid precipitation may leach aluminum and magnesium from soils, poisoning water- dwelling species. Reducing fossil-fuel consump- tion, such as occurs in gasoline engines and coal-burning power plants, should reduce high acid levels in precipitation. Sulfur dioxide, SO2, which is produced when fossil fuels are burned, reacts with water in the atmosphere to produce acid precipitation. Acid precipitation, or acid rain, can make lakes and rivers too acidic to support life and can even corrode stone, such as the face of this statue. FIGURE 2-13 44 CHAPTER 2 This solution then contains more hydroxide ions than hydronium ions and is therefore defined as a base. The adjective alkaline refers to bases. Bases have a bitter taste; however, never taste a substance to test for alkalinity. They tend to feel slippery because the OH ions react with the oil on our skin to form a soap. In fact, commercial soap is the product of a reaction between a base and a fat. pH Scientists have developed a scale for comparing the relative con- centrations of hydronium ions and hydroxide ions in a solution. This scale is called the pH scale, and it ranges from 0 to 14, as shown in Figure 2-14. A solution with a pH of 0 is very acidic, a solution with a pH of 7 is neutral, and a solution with a pH of 14 is very basic. A solution’s pH is measured on a logarithmic scale. That is, the change of one pH unit reflects a 10-fold change in the acidity or alkalinity. For example, urine has 10 times the H3O ions at a pH of 6 than water does at a pH of 7. Vinegar, has 1,000 times more H3O ions at a pH of 3 than urine at a pH of 6, and 10,000 times more H3O ions than water at a pH of 7. The pH of a solution can be measured with litmus paper or with some other chemical indicator that changes color at various pH levels. Buffers The control of pH is important for living systems. Enzymes can function only within a very narrow pH range. The control of pH in organisms is often accomplished with buffers. Buffers are chemi- cal substances that neutralize small amounts of either an acid or a base added to a solution. As Figure 2-14 shows, the composition of your internal environment—in terms of acidity and alkalinity— varies greatly. Some of your body fluids, such as stomach acid and urine, are acidic. Others, such as intestinal fluid and blood, are

Comparing large numbers

Cell Size Cells differ not only in their shape but also in their size. A few types of cells are large enough to be seen by the unaided human eye. For example, the nerve cells that extend from a giraffe’s spinal cord to its foot can be 2 m (about 6 1/2 ft) long. A human egg cell is about the size of the period at the end of this sentence. Most cells, how- ever, are only 10 to 50 μm in diameter, or about 1/500 the size of the period at the end of this sentence. The size of a cell is limited by the relationship of the cell’s outer surface area to its volume, or its surface area–to-volume ratio. As a cell grows, its volume increases much faster than its surface area does, as shown in Figure 4-5. This trend is important because the materials needed by a cell (such as nutrients and oxygen) and the wastes produced by a cell (such as carbon dioxide) must pass into and out of the cell through its surface. If a cell were to become very large, the volume would increase much more than the surface area. Therefore, the surface area would not allow materials to enter or leave the cell quickly enough to meet the cell’s needs. As a result, most cells are microscopic in size. Comparing Surface Cells Materials microscope, prepared slides of plant (dicot) stem and ani- mal (human) skin, pencil, paper Procedure Examine slides by using medium magnification (100). Observe and draw the sur- face cells of the plant stem and the animal skin. Analysis How do the surface cells of each organism differ from the cells beneath the surface cells? What is the function of the surface cells? Explain how surface cells are suited to their function based on their shape. Quick Lab Small cells can exchange substances more readily than large cells because small objects have a higher surface area–to-volume ratio. FIGURE 4-5 mb06se_csfs02.qxd 5/18/07 10:54 AM Page 73 74 CHAPTER 4 BASIC PARTS OF A CELL Despite the diversity among cells, three basic features are common to all cell types. All cells have an outer boundary, an interior sub- stance, and a control region. Plasma Membrane The cell’s outer boundary, called the plasma membrane (or the cell membrane), covers a cell’s surface and acts as a barrier between the inside and the outside of a cell. All materials enter or exit through the plasma membrane. The surface of a plasma mem- brane is shown in Figure 4-6a. Cytoplasm The region of the cell that is within the plasma membrane and that includes the fluid, the cytoskeleton, and all of the organelles except the nucleus is called the cytoplasm. The part of the cytoplasm that includes molecules and small particles, such as ribosomes, but not membrane-bound organelles is the cytosol. About 20 percent of the cytosol is made up of protein. Control Center Cells carry coded information in the form of DNA for regulating their functions and reproducing themselves. The DNA in some types of cells floats freely inside the cell. Other cells have a mem- brane-bound organelle that contains a cell’s DNA. This membrane- bound structure is called the nucleus. Most of the functions of a eukaryotic cell are controlled by the cell’s nucleus. The nucleus is often the most prominent structure within a eukaryotic cell. It maintains its shape with the help of a protein skeleton called the nuclear matrix. The nucleus of a typical animal cell is shown in Figure 4-6b. Most animal cells have a cell membrane, a nucleus, and a variety of other organelles embedded in a watery substance. The surface of the cell membrane can be seen in (a). The organelles inside the cell are labeled in the diagram (b). FIGURE 4-6 (a) (b) Mitochondrion Microfilaments Lysosome Golgi apparatus Smooth ER Ribosomes Cell membrane Microtubules Rough ER Nuclear pore Nuclear envelope Nucleolus Nucleus Copyright © by Holt, Rinehart and Winston. All rights reserved. Cell wall Ribosome Cell membrane Peptidoglycan Pili Flagellum DNA CELL STRUCTURE AND FUNCTION 75 A prokaryotic cell lacks a membrane- bound nucleus and membrane-bound organelles. Most prokaryotic cells are much smaller than eukaryotic cells are. FIGURE 4-7 A white blood cell (eukaryotic) changes shape as it attacks purple- stained bacterial cells that are much smaller (prokaryotic). FIGURE 4-8 TWO BASIC TYPES OF CELLS Fossil evidence suggests that the earliest cells on Earth were simple cells similar to some present-day bacteria. As cells evolved, they differentiated into two major types: prokaryotes and eukaryotes. Prokaryotes Prokaryotes (proh-KAR-ee-OHTS) are organisms that lack a membrane- bound nucleus and membrane-bound organelles. Although prokaryotic cells lack a nucleus, their genetic information—in the form of DNA—is often concentrated in a part of the cell called the nucleoid. Figure 4-7 shows a typical prokaryotic cell. Prokaryotes are divided into two domains: Bacteria and Archaea (ahr-KEE-uh). The domain Bacteria includes organisms that are similar to the first cellular life-forms. The domain Archaea includes organisms that are thought to be more closely related to eukaryotic cells found in all other kingdoms of life. Eukaryotes Organisms made up of one or more cells that have a nucleus and membrane-bound organelles are called eukaryotes (yoo-KAR-ee-OHTS). Eukaryotic cells also have a variety of subcellular structures called organelles, well-defined, intracellular bodies that perform specific functions for the cell. Many organelles are surrounded by a mem- brane. The organelles carry out cellular processes just as a person’s pancreas, heart, and other organs carry out a person’s life processes. Eukaryotic cells are generally much larger than prokary- otic cells, as seen in Figure 4-8, which shows a white blood cell (eukaryote) destroying tiny bacterial cells (prokaryotes).

Plant cells have three kinds of structures that are not found in animal cells and that are extremely important to plant survival: plastids, central vacuoles, and cell walls. PLANT CELLS Most of the organelles and other parts of the cell just described are common to all eukaryotic cells. However, plant cells have three additional kinds of structures that are extremely important to plant function: cell walls, large central vacuoles, and plastids. To understand why plant cells have structures not found in ani- mal cells, consider how a plant’s lifestyle differs from an animal’s. Plants make their own carbon-containing molecules directly from carbon taken in from the environment. Plant cells take carbon diox- ide gas from the air, and in a process called photosynthesis, they convert carbon dioxide and water into sugars. The organelles and structures in plant cells are shown in Figure 4-21. SECTION 4 OBJECTIVES ● List three structures that are present in plant cells but not in animal cells. ● Compare the plasma membrane, the primary cell wall, and the secondary cell wall. ● Explain the role of the central vacuole. ● Describe the roles of plastids in the life of a plant. ● Identify features that distinguish prokaryotes, eukaryotes, plant cells, and animal cells. VOCABULARY cell wall central vacuole plastid chloroplast thylakoid chlorophyll Chloroplast Golgi apparatus Mitochondrion Cell membrane Nucleolus Nucleus Cytoskeleton Rough endoplasmic reticulum Pore Smooth endoplasmic reticulum Central vacuole Ribosome Cell wall In addition to containing almost all of the types of organelles that animal cells contain, plant cells contain three unique features. Those features are the cell wall, the central vacuole, and plastids, such as chloroplasts. FIGURE 4-21 Copyright © by Holt, Rinehart and Winston. All rights reserved. 88 CHAPTER 4 CELL WALL The cell wall is a rigid layer that lies outside the cell’s plasma membrane. Plant cell walls contain a carbohydrate called cellulose. Cellulose is embedded in a matrix of proteins and other carbohy- drates that form a stiff box around each cell. Pores in the cell wall allow water, ions, and some molecules to enter and exit the cell. Primary and Secondary Cell Walls The main component of the cell wall, cellulose, is made directly on the surface of the plasma membrane by enzymes that travel along the membrane. These enzymes are guided by microtubules inside the plasma membrane. Growth of the primary cell wall occurs in one direction, based on the orientation of the microtubules. Other components of the cell wall are made in the ER. These materials move in vesicles to the Golgi and then to the cell surface. Some plants also produce a secondary cell wall. When the cell stops growing, it secretes the secondary cell wall between the plasma membrane and the primary cell wall. The secondary cell wall is very strong but can no longer expand. The wood in desks and tabletops is made of billions of secondary cell walls. The cells inside the walls have died and disintegrated. CENTRAL VACUOLE Plant cells may contain a reservoir that stores large amounts of water. The central vacuole is a large, fluid-filled organelle that stores not only water but also enzymes, metabolic wastes, and other materials. The central vacuole, shown in Figure 4-22, forms as other smaller vacuoles fuse together. Central vacuoles can make up 90 percent of the plant cell’s volume and can push all of the other organelles into a thin layer against the plasma membrane. When water is plentiful, it fills a plant’s vacuoles. The cells expand and the plant stands upright. In a dry period, the vacuoles lose water, the cells shrink, and the plant wilts. Other Vacuoles Some vacuoles store toxic materials. The vacuoles of acacia trees, for example, store poisons that provide a defense against plant-eating ani- mals. Tobacco plant cells store the toxin nicotine in a storage vacuole. Other vacuoles store plant pigments, such as the colorful pigments found in rose petals. The central vacuole occupies up to 90 percent of the volume of some plant cells. The central vacuole stores water and helps keep plant tissue firm. FIGURE 4-22 Central vacuole Nucleus Chloroplast Copyright © by Holt, Rinehart and Winston. All rights reserved. CELL STRUCTURE AND FUNCTION 89 PLASTIDS Plastids are another unique feature of plant cells. Plastids are organelles that, like mitochondria, are surrounded by a double mem- brane and contain their own DNA. There are several types of plastids, including chloroplasts, chromoplasts, and leucoplasts. Chloroplasts Chloroplasts use light energy to make carbohydrates from carbon dioxide and water. As Figure 4-23 shows, each chloroplast contains a system of flattened, membranous sacs called thylakoids. Thylakoids contain the green pigment chlorophyll, the main mole- cule that absorbs light and captures light energy for the cell. Chloroplasts can be found not only in plant cells but also in a wide variety of eukaryotic algae, such as seaweed. Chloroplast DNA is very similar to the DNA of certain photosyn- thetic bacteria. Plant cell chloroplasts can arise only by the divi- sion of preexisting chloroplasts. These facts may suggest that chloroplasts are descendants of ancient prokaryotic cells. Like mitochondria, chloroplasts are also thought to be the descendants of ancient prokaryotic cells that were incorporated into plant cells through a process called endosymbiosis. Chromoplasts Chromoplasts are plastids that contain colorful pigments and that may or may not take part in photosynthesis. Carrot root cells, for example, contain chromoplasts filled with the orange pigment carotene. Chromoplasts in flower petal cells contain red, purple, yellow, or white pigments. Other Plastids Several other types of plastids share the general features of chloro- plasts but differ in content. For example, amyloplasts store starch. Chloroplasts, chromoplasts, and amyloplasts arise from a common precursor, called a proplastid. Thylakoid Inner membrane Outer membrane chloroplast from the Greek chloros, meaning “pale green,” and plastos, meaning “formed” Word Roots and Origins A chloroplast captures energy from sunlight and uses that energy to convert carbon dioxide and water into sugar and other carbohydrates. FIGURE 4-23 Copyright © by Holt, Rinehart and Winston. All rights reserved. 90 CHAPTER 4 COMPARING CELLS All cells share common features, such as a cell membrane, cyto- plasm, ribosomes, and genetic material. But there is a high level of diversity among cells, as shown in Figure 4-24. There are signifi- cant differences between prokaryotes and eukaryotes. In addition, plant cells have features that are not found in animal cells. Prokaryotes Versus Eukaryotes Prokaryotes differ from eukaryotes in that prokaryotes lack a nucleus and membrane-bound organelles. Prokaryotes have a region, called a nucleoid, in which their genetic material is concen- trated. However, prokaryotes lack an internal membrane system. Plant Cells Versus Animal Cells Three unique features distinguish plant cells from animal cells. One is the production of a cell wall by plant cells. Plant cells contain a large central vacuole. Third, plant cells contain a variety of plastids, which are not found in animal cells. Cell walls, central vacuoles, and plastids are unique features that are important to plant function. 1. Identify three unique features of plant cells. 2. List the differences between the plasma mem- brane, the primary cell wall, and the secondary cell wall. 3. Identify three functions of plastids. 4. Name three things that may be stored in vacuoles. 5. Describe the features that distinguish prokary- otes from eukaryotes and plant cells from animal cells. CRITICAL THINKING

To the Lakota, and other indigenous people on North America's Great Plains, the bison was an essential part of their culture ( expressed in the quote on the previous page). The bison provided meat for nutrition, a hide for clothing and shelter, bones for tools, and fat for soap. The bison was also central to their religious beliefs. So, when European settlers hunted the bison nearly to extinction, Lakota culture suffered. Culture is central to a society and the identity of its people, as well as its continued existence. Therefore, geographers study culture as a way to understand similarities and differences among societies across the world, and in some cases, to help preserve these societies. Analyzing Culture All of a group's learned behaviors, actions, beliefs, and objects are a part of culture. It is a visible force seen in a group's actions, possessions, and influence on the landscape. For example, in a large city you can see people working in offices, factories, and stores, and living in high-rise apartments or suburban homes. You might observe them attending movies, concerts, or sporting events. Culture is also an invisible force guiding people through shared belief systems, customs, and traditions. Culture is learned, in that it develops through experiences, and not merely transmitted through genetics. For example, many people in the United States have developed a strong sense of competitiveness in school and business, and believe that hard work is a key to success. These types of elements, visible and invisible, are cultural traits. A series of interrelated traits make up a cultural complex, such as the process of steps and acceptable behaviors related to greeting a person in different cultures. A single cultural artifact, such as an automobile, may represent many different values, beliefs, behaviors and traditions and be representative of a cultural complex. Since culture is learned there are many ways that one generation passes its culture to the next. Children and adults learn traits three ways: • imitation, as when learning a language by repeating sounds or behaviors from a person or television • informal instruction, as when a parent reminds a child to say "please" • formal instruction, as when students learn history in school 132 HUMAN GEOGRAPHY: AP" EDITION CULTURAL COMPLEX OF THE AUTOMOBILE The automobile provides much more than just transportation, as it reflects many values that are central to American culture. Origins of Culture The area in which a unique culture or a specific trait develops is a culture hearth. Classical Greece was a culture hearth for democracy more than 2,000 years ago. New York City was a culture hearth for rap music in the 1970s. Geographers study how cultures develop in hearths and diffuse-or spread-to other places. Geographers also study taboos, behaviors heavily discouraged by a culture. For example, many cultures have taboos against eating certain foods, such as pork or insects. What is considered taboo changes over time. In the United States, marriages between Protestants and Catholics were once taboo, but they are not widely opposed now. Traditional, Folk, and Indigenous Cultures With the beginning of the Industrial Revolution in the late 18th century, modern transportation and communication connected people as never before and led to extensive cultural mixing, especially as cities have grown. The world prior to this time was very different; however, remnants of the past are still evident in our modern cultures. Traditional, folk, and indigenous cultures share some important characteristics and are often grouped together, but they do have some subtle differences. Traditional Culture Recently, the meanings of traditional, folk, and indigenous culture have begun to merge, causing geographers to debate when each should be used. Increasingly, the term traditional culture is used to encompass all three cultural designations. All three types share the function of passing down long-held beliefs, values, and practices and are generally resistant to rapid changes in their culture. Folk Culture The beliefs and practices of small, homogenous groups of people, often living in rural areas that are relatively isolated and slow to change, are known as folk cultures. Like all cultures, they demonstrate the diverse ways that people have adapted to a physical environment. For example, people around the world learned to make shelters out of available resources, whether 3.1: INTRODUCTION TO CULTURE 133 it was snow or mud bricks or wood. However, people used similar resources such as wood differently. In Scandinavia, people used trees to build cabins. In the American Midwest, people processed trees into boards, built a frame, and attached the boards to it. Many traits of folk culture continue today. Corn was first grown in Mexico around 10,000 years ago, and it is still grown there today. While many elements of folk culture exist side by side with modern culture, there are people whose societies have changed little, if at all, from long ago. These people practice traditional cultures, those which have not been affected by modern technology or influences. They often live in remote regions, such as some small tribes in the Amazon rainforest, and have scant knowledge of the outside world. As the lines continue blurring between cultural designations, the Amish of Pennsylvania are often referenced as both folk and traditional culture. Indigenous Culture When members of an ethnic group reside in their ancestral lands, and typically possess unique cultural traits, such as speaking their own exclusive language, they are considered an indigenous culture. Some indigenous peoples have been displaced from their native lands, but still practice their indigenous culture. Native Americans in the United States, such as the Navajo, have kept indigenous cultural practices. First Nations of Canada, such as the Inuit, have also retained their indigenous culture. Globalization and Popular Culture As a result of the Industrial Revolution, improvements in transportation and communication have shortened the time required for movement, trade, or other forms of interaction between two places. This development, known as space-time compression (see Topics 1.4 and 3.6), has accelerated culture change around the world. In 1817, a freight shipment from Cincinnati needed 52 days to reach New York City. By 1850, because of canals and railroads, it took half that long. And by 1852, it took only 7 days. Today, an airplane flight takes only a few hours, and digital information takes seconds or less. Similar change has occurred on the global scale. People travel freely across the world in a matter of hours, and communication has advanced to a point where people share information instantaneously across the globe. The increased global interaction has had a profound impact on cultures, from spreading English across the world to instant sharing of news, events and music. Globalization specifically refers to the increased integration of the world economy since the 1970s. The process of intensified interaction among peoples, governments, and companies of different countries around the globe has had profound impacts on culture. The culture of the United States is intertwined with globalization. Through the influence of its corporations, Hollywood movies, and government, the United States exerts widespread influence in other countries. But other countries also shape American culture. For example, in 2019, the National Basketball Association included players from 38 countries or territories. When cultural traits- such as clothing, music, movies, and types of 134 HUMAN GEOGRAPHY: AP. EDITION businesses-spread quickly over a large area and are adopted by various groups, they become part of popular culture. Elements of popular culture often begin in urban areas and diffuse quickly through globalization processes such as the media and Internet. These elements can quickly be adopted worldwide, making them part of global culture. People around the world follow European soccer, Indian Bollywood movies, and Japanese animation known as anime. With people in many nations wearing similar clothes, listening to similar music, and eating similar food, popular cultural traits often promote uniformity in beliefs, values, and the cultural landscape across many places The cultural landscape, also known as the built environment (see Topic 3.2), is the modification of the environment by a group and is a visible reflection of that group's cultural beliefs and values. Traditional Culture to Popular Culture Popular culture emphasizes trying what is new rather than preserving what is traditional. Many people, especially older generations or those who follow a folk culture, openly resist the adoption of popular cultural traits. They do this by preserving traditional languages, religions, values, and foods. While older generations often resist the adoption of popular culture, they seldom are successful in keeping their traditional cultures from changing, especially among the young people of their society. One clash between popular and traditional culture is occurring in Brazil. As the population expands to the interior of the rain forest, many indigenous cultures, like the Yanamamo tribe, have more contact with outside groups. Remaining isolated by the forest is becoming increasingly difficult as many young people from the indigenous cultures become exposed to popular culture and begin to integrate into the larger Brazilian society. As the young people leave their communities, they are more likely to accept popular culture at the expense of their indigenous cultural heritage, which threatens the very existence of their folk culture. Traditional culture typically exhibits horizontal diversity, meaning each traditional culture has its own customs and language that makes it distinct from other culture groups. Yet, people people within each group are usually homogeneous, or very similar to each other. By contrast, popular culture typically exhibits vertical diversity, meaning that modern urban societies are usually heterogeneous, or exhibiting differences, within the society and usually contain numerous multiethnic neighborhoods. However, on a global scale popular cultures are relatively similar with the same type of malls, shops, fast food, and clothing. Urban global culture centers are not identical, yet, global cities often do not have as much horizontal diversity across space as folk cultures. 3.1: INTRODUCTION TO CULTURE 135 COMPARING TRADITIONAL AND POPULAR CULTURE Trait Traditional Culture Popular or Global Culture Society • Rural and isolated location • Urban and connected location • Homogeneous and • Diverse and multiethnic indigenous population population • Most people speak an • Many people speak a global indigenous or ethnic local language such as English or language Arabic • Horizontal diversity • Vertical diversity Social • Emphasis on community and • Emphasis on individualism and Structure conformity making choices • Families live close to each • Dispersed families other • Weakly defined gender roles • Well-defined gender roles Diffusion • Relatively slow and limited • Relatively rapid and extensive • Primarily through relocation • Often hierarchical • Oral traditions and stories • Social media and mass media Buildings and • Materials produced locally, • Materials produced in distant Housing such as stone or grass factories, such as steel or glass • Built by community or owner • Built by a business • Similar style for community • Variety of architectural styles • Different between cultures • Similar between cities • Traditional architecture • Postmodern / contemporary architecture Food • Locally produced • Often imported • Choices limited by tradition • Wide range of choice • Prepared by the family or • Purchased in restaurants community Spatial Focus • Local and regional • National and global Artifacts, Mentifacts, and Sociofacts Whether a cultural attribute is considered traditional, folk, indigenous, or popular in nature, it is valuable to differentiate between elements of culture that can be seen and those that can not. There are artifacts that comprise the material culture, which consists of tangible things, or those that can be experienced by the senses. Art, clothing, food, music, sports, and housing types are all tangible elements of culture. Another element of the study of artifacts is understanding the techniques to use or build a specific artifact. Artifacts can be unique to a particular culture, or can be shared. For example, people of all cultures need to communicate through language, yet there are many groups that possess languages unique to their culture. The ability to read, write and understand the English language is an artifact of importance for much of popular global culture. 136 HUMAN GEOGRAPHY: AP" EDITION Mentifacts comprise a group's nonmaterial culture and consist ofintangible concepts, or those not having a physical presence. Beliefs, values, practices, and aesthetics (pleasing in appearance) determine what a cultural group views as acceptable and desirable. Mentifacts can also be unique or shared. People of many cultures possess an belief in one or many deities, and often the deities are unique to that culture. The belief in a god is a mentifact-the religious building or symbols are artifacts. Cultural groups also possess sociofacts, which are the ways people organize their society and relate to one another. Taken altogether, people tend to see the whole of their culture as greater than the sum of its individual parts. Sociofacts are embodied through families, governments, sports teams, religious organizations, education systems, and other social constructs. As with artifacts and mentifacts, sociofacts may also be unique or similar to other societies. Families are the foundations of most societies, yet what constitutes the structure of a family may vary widely between cultural groups. For example, Western cultures tend to view the nuclear family, consisting of the parents and their children as the basic family unit. By contrast, in many Western African cultures the norm is the extended family, consisting of several generations and other family members such as cousins living under one roof.

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