What is the primary function of a chimney?

To safely evacuate combustion gases from a building

To increase indoor air circulation

To provide structural support to the roof

To improve aesthetic appeal of the house

What is the recommended height of a chimney above the roofline?

At least 1 meter above the highest point of the roof

At least 2 meters above the roof

At least 3 meters below the roof

What is the purpose of a chimney cap?

To prevent rain and debris from entering the chimney

To reduce the size of the flue opening

To increase the flue's temperature

To improve the aesthetic design of the chimney

What is the primary purpose of a flue in a chimney system?

To direct and exhaust combustion gases safely outside

To trap heat within the chimney

To support the weight of the roof

To enhance the visual appeal of the chimney

What should be done regularly to maintain a chimney's safety and efficiency?

Conduct regular inspections and cleanings

Ignore any signs of soot buildup

Install decorative elements on the chimney

What is the main purpose of a chimney damper?

To control the flow of air and smoke

To increase the height of the chimney

What is the primary purpose of a chimney in a flue system?

To safely vent combustion gases outside

To serve as a structural support

What is a common sign of a blocked flue that homeowners should be aware of?

Soot buildup around the fireplace

What is the purpose of a chimney cap?

To prevent rain and debris from entering the chimney

To enhance the chimney's appearance

To increase the chimney's height

What is the primary concern when installing a chimney for a high-efficiency appliance?

Material of the chimney exterior

Which of the following best describes a relined chimney?

A chimney that has had its original flue replaced with a new liner

A chimney that has been extended

A chimney that is made of metal

A chimney that has been painted

Phase 3 Principles of Chimney/Flue Systems

Phase 3 Operating Principles of Micro-Renewable Energy Technologies

Reading Passage: The Anatomy of a Kill Chain In the lexicon of modern warfare, the term "kill chain" describes the end-to-end process of a military attack, from the initial identification of a target to its eventual destruction and the subsequent evaluation of the strike's effectiveness. Conceptually, the kill chain is a structural model used to understand and optimize the speed and precision of military operations. The fundamental principle of this model is that an attack functions as a sequence of interdependent stages; if any single link in the chain is broken, the entire operation fails. For strategic planners, this creates a dual objective: to accelerate one's own kill chain while simultaneously finding ways to disrupt the adversary's. Strategic Concept: The Kinetic Model (F2T2EA) The traditional military kill chain is often summarized by the acronym F2T2EA, representing a continuous cycle of find, fix, track, target, engage, and assess. The kinetic kill chain begins with Find, the reconnaissance phase where intelligence assets identify a potential target within a theater of operations. Once found, the process moves to Fix, which involves pinning down the target's specific location and ensuring it can be distinguished from friendly forces or non-combatants. Track follows, maintaining a persistent watch on the target's movements to prevent its escape. In the Target phase, commanders select the appropriate weapon system and verify the legality and strategic value of the strike. Engage is the kinetic moment—the actual deployment of ordnance against the objective. Finally, Assess involves battle damage assessment (BDA) to determine if the desired effects were achieved or if further engagement is required. This model emphasizes "compressing the sensor-to-shooter timeline," meaning the faster a military can move through these steps, the more lethal it becomes. The Evolution: The Cyber Kill Chain® As warfare expanded into the digital domain, Lockheed Martin adapted the kinetic model into the Cyber Kill Chain. This framework assists defenders in identifying and stopping Advanced Persistent Threats (APTs). Unlike a physical missile, a cyberattack often unfolds over weeks or months, but the sequential logic remains the same. The model consists of seven distinct stages: Stage Description of Attacker Activity 1. Reconnaissance The harvesting of information. Attackers research targets via social media, public records, and technical scanning to find vulnerabilities. 2. Weaponization Coupling a remote access trojan with an exploit into a deliverable payload (e.g., a malicious PDF or Microsoft Office document). 3. Delivery Transmission of the weapon to the target environment. Common vectors include email attachments, malicious websites, or USB drives. 4. Exploitation The weapon triggers. The code executes on the victim's system, typically by taking advantage of a software or operating system vulnerability. 5. Installation The attacker installs a persistent backdoor or malware on the victim's system, allowing them to maintain access even after a reboot. 6. Command & Control (C2) The compromised system opens a communication channel back to the attacker's server, allowing the intruder to give manual instructions. 7. Actions on Objective The final stage where the attacker achieves their goal, such as data exfiltration, encryption for ransom, or destruction of critical infrastructure. Strategic Implications for Defense The strategic value of the Cyber Kill Chain lies in its ability to provide a roadmap for "proactive defense." By understanding the sequence, security professionals can implement controls at every stage. For instance, robust email filtering can break the chain at the Delivery stage, while endpoint detection can stop the Installation phase. Crucially, the earlier a defender breaks the chain, the lower the cost of mitigation and the lower the risk of damage. If an attacker is stopped during Reconnaissance, they have gained nothing. If they are stopped during Actions on Objective, the damage may already be catastrophic. In both kinetic and cyber environments, the goal is the same: to create a "defensive depth" that makes the cost of a successful attack prohibitively high for the adversary.

“There’s No Such Thing as Sound Science” by By Christie Aschwanden was a lead science writer for FiveThirtyEight. FiveThirtyEight, Science, Dec. 6, 2017 Science is being turned against itself. For decades, its twin ideals of transparency and rigor have been weaponized by those who disagree with results produced by the scientific method. Under the Trump administration, that fight has ramped up again. In a move ostensibly meant to reduce conflicts of interest, Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Scott Pruitt has removed a number of scientists from advisory panels and replaced some of them with representatives from industries that the agency regulates. Like many in the Trump administration, Pruitt has also cast doubt on the reliability of climate science. For instance, in an interview with CNBC, Pruitt said that “measuring with precision human activity on the climate is something very challenging to do.” Similarly, Trump’s pick to head NASA, an agency that oversees a large portion the nation’s climate research, has insisted that research into human influence on climate lacks certainty, and he falsely claimed that “global temperatures stopped rising 10 years ago.” Kathleen Hartnett White, Trump’s nominee to head the White House Council on Environmental Quality, said in a Senate hearing last month that she thinks we “need to have more precise explanations of the human role and the natural role” in climate change. The same entreaties crop up again and again: We need to root out conflicts. We need more precise evidence. What makes these arguments so powerful is that they sound quite similar to the points raised by proponents of a very different call for change that’s coming from within science. This other movement strives to produce more robust, reproducible findings. Despite having dissimilar goals, the two forces espouse principles that look surprisingly alike: Science needs to be transparent. Results and methods should be openly shared so that outside researchers can independently reproduce and validate them. The methods used to collect and analyze data should be rigorous and clear, and conclusions must be supported by evidence. These are the arguments underlying an “open science” reform movement that was created, in part, as a response to a “reproducibility crisis” that has struck some fields of science.1 But they’re also used as talking points by politicians who are working to make it more difficult for the EPA and other federal agencies to use science in their regulatory decision-making, under the guise of basing policy on “sound science.” Science’s virtues are being wielded against it. What distinguishes the two calls for transparency is intent: Whereas the “open science” movement aims to make science more reliable, reproducible and robust, proponents of “sound science” have historically worked to amplify uncertainty, create doubt and undermine scientific discoveries that threaten their interests. “Our criticisms are founded in a confidence in science,” said Steven Goodman, co-director of the Meta-Research Innovation Center at Stanford and a proponent of open science. “That’s a fundamental difference — we’re critiquing science to make it better. Others are critiquing it to devalue the approach itself.” Calls to base public policy on “sound science” seem unassailable if you don’t know the term’s history. The phrase was adopted by the tobacco industry in the 1990s to counteract mounting evidence linking secondhand smoke to cancer. A 1992 Environmental Protection Agency report identified secondhand smoke as a human carcinogen, and Philip Morris responded by launching an initiative to promote what it called “sound science.” In an internal memo, Philip Morris vice president of corporate affairs Ellen Merlo wrote that the program was designed to “discredit the EPA report,” “prevent states and cities, as well as businesses from passing smoking bans” and “proactively” pass legislation to help their cause. The sound science tactic exploits a fundamental feature of the scientific process: Science does not produce absolute certainty. Contrary to how it’s sometimes represented to the public, science is not a magic wand that turns everything it touches to truth. Instead, it’s a process of uncertainty reduction, much like a game of 20 Questions. Any given study can rarely answer more than one question at a time, and each study usually raises a bunch of new questions in the process of answering old ones. “Science is a process rather than an answer,” said psychologist Alison Ledgerwood of the University of California, Davis. Every answer is provisional and subject to change in the face of new evidence. It’s not entirely correct to say that “this study proves this fact,” Ledgerwood said. “We should be talking instead about how science increases or decreases our confidence in something.” The tobacco industry’s brilliant tactic was to turn this baked-in uncertainty against the scientific enterprise itself. While insisting that they merely wanted to ensure that public policy was based on sound science, tobacco companies defined the term in a way that ensured that no science could ever be sound enough. The only sound science was certain science, which is an impossible standard to achieve. “Doubt is our product,” wrote one employee of the Brown & Williamson tobacco company in a 1969 internal memo. The note went on to say that doubt “is the best means of competing with the ‘body of fact’” and “establishing a controversy.” These strategies for undermining inconvenient science were so effective that they’ve served as a sort of playbook for industry interests ever since, said Stanford University science historian Robert Proctor. The sound science push is no longer just Philip Morris sowing doubt about the links between cigarettes and cancer. It’s also a 1998 action plan by the American Petroleum Institute, Chevron and Exxon Mobil to “install uncertainty” about the link between greenhouse gas emissions and climate change. It’s industry-funded groups’ late-1990s effort to question the science the EPA was using to set fine-particle-pollution air-quality standards that the industry didn’t want. And then there was the more recent effort by Dow Chemical to insist on more scientific certainty before banning a pesticide that the EPA’s scientists had deemed risky to children. Now comes a move by the Trump administration’s EPA to repeal a 2015 rule on wetlands protection by disregarding particular studies. (To name just a few examples.) Doubt merchants aren’t pushing for knowledge, they’re practicing what Proctor has dubbed “agnogenesis” — the intentional manufacture of ignorance. This ignorance isn’t simply the absence of knowing something; it’s a lack of comprehension deliberately created by agents who don’t want you to know, Proctor said.2 In the hands of doubt-makers, transparency becomes a rhetorical move. “It’s really difficult as a scientist or policy maker to make a stand against transparency and openness, because well, who would be against it?” said Karen Levy, researcher on information science at Cornell University. But at the same time, “you can couch everything in the language of transparency and it becomes a powerful weapon.” For instance, when the EPA was preparing to set new limits on particulate pollution in the 1990s, industry groups pushed back against the research and demanded access to primary data (including records that researchers had promised participants would remain confidential) and a reanalysis of the evidence. Their calls succeeded and a new analysis was performed. The reanalysis essentially confirmed the original conclusions, but the process of conducting it delayed the implementation of regulations and cost researchers time and money. Delay is a time-tested strategy. “Gridlock is the greatest friend a global warming skeptic has,” said Marc Morano, a prominent critic of global warming research and the executive director of ClimateDepot.com, in the documentary “Merchants of Doubt” (based on the book by the same name). Morano’s site is a project of the Committee for a Constructive Tomorrow, which has received funding from the oil and gas industry. “We’re the negative force. We’re just trying to stop stuff.” Some of these ploys are getting a fresh boost from Congress. The Data Quality Act (also known as the Information Quality Act) was reportedly written by an industry lobbyist and quietly passed as part of an appropriations bill in 2000. The rule mandates that federal agencies ensure the “quality, objectivity, utility, and integrity of information” that they disseminate, though it does little to define what these terms mean. The law also provides a mechanism for citizens and groups to challenge information that they deem inaccurate, including science that they disagree with. “It was passed in this very quiet way with no explicit debate about it — that should tell you a lot about the real goals,” Levy said. But what’s most telling about the Data Quality Act is how it’s been used, Levy said. A 2004 Washington Post analysis found that in the 20 months following its implementation, the act was repeatedly used by industry groups to push back against proposed regulations and bog down the decision-making process. Instead of deploying transparency as a fundamental principle that applies to all science, these interests have used transparency as a weapon to attack very particular findings that they would like to eradicate. Now Congress is considering another way to legislate how science is used. The Honest Act, a bill sponsored by Rep. Lamar Smith of Texas,3 is another example of what Levy calls a “Trojan horse” law that uses the language of transparency as a cover to achieve other political goals. Smith’s legislation would severely limit the kind of evidence the EPA could use for decision-making. Only studies whose raw data and computer codes were publicly available would be allowed for consideration. That might sound perfectly reasonable, and in many cases it is, Goodman said. But sometimes there are good reasons why researchers can’t conform to these rules, like when the data contains confidential or sensitive medical information.4 Critics, which include more than a dozen scientific organizations, argue that, in practice, the rules would prevent many studies from being considered in EPA reviews.5 It might seem like an easy task to sort good science from bad, but in reality it’s not so simple. “There’s a misplaced idea that we can definitively distinguish the good from the not-good science, but it’s all a matter of degree,” said Brian Nosek, executive director of the Center for Open Science. “There is no perfect study.” Requiring regulators to wait until they have (nonexistent) perfect evidence is essentially “a way of saying, ‘We don’t want to use evidence for our decision-making,’” Nosek said. Most scientific controversies aren’t about science at all, and once the sides are drawn, more data is unlikely to bring opponents into agreement. Michael Carolan, who researches the sociology of technology and scientific knowledge at Colorado State University, wrote in a 2008 paper about why objective knowledge is not enough to resolve environmental controversies. “While these controversies may appear on the surface to rest on disputed questions of fact, beneath often reside differing positions of value; values that can give shape to differing understandings of what ‘the facts’ are.” What’s needed in these cases isn’t more or better science, but mechanisms to bring those hidden values to the forefront of the discussion so that they can be debated transparently. “As long as we continue down this unabashedly naive road about what science is, and what it is capable of doing, we will continue to fail to reach any sort of meaningful consensus on these matters,” Carolan writes. The dispute over tobacco was never about the science of cigarettes’ link to cancer. It was about whether companies have the right to sell dangerous products and, if so, what obligations they have to the consumers who purchased them. Similarly, the debate over climate change isn’t about whether our planet is heating, but about how much responsibility each country and person bears for stopping it. While researching her book “Merchants of Doubt,” science historian Naomi Oreskes found that some of the same people who were defending the tobacco industry as scientific experts were also receiving industry money to deny the role of human activity in global warming. What these issues had in common, she realized, was that they all involved the need for government action. “None of this is about the science. All of this is a political debate about the role of government,” she said in the documentary. These controversies are really about values, not scientific facts, and acknowledging that would allow us to have more truthful and productive debates. What would that look like in practice? Instead of cherry-picking evidence to support a particular view (and insisting that the science points to a desired action), the various sides could lay out the values they are using to assess the evidence. For instance, in Europe, many decisions are guided by the precautionary principle — a system that values caution in the face of uncertainty and says that when the risks are unclear, it should be up to industries to show that their products and processes are not harmful, rather than requiring the government to prove that they are harmful before they can be regulated. By contrast, U.S. agencies tend to wait for strong evidence of harm before issuing regulations. Both approaches have critics, but the difference between them comes down to priorities: Is it better to exercise caution at the risk of burdening companies and perhaps the economy, or is it more important to avoid potential economic downsides even if it means that sometimes a harmful product or industrial process goes unregulated? In other words, under what circumstances do we agree to act on a risk? How certain do we need to be that the risk is real, and how many people would need to be at risk, and how costly is it to reduce that risk? Those are moral questions, not scientific ones, and openly discussing and identifying these kinds of judgment calls would lead to a more honest debate. Science matters, and we need to do it as rigorously as possible. But science can’t tell us how risky is too risky to allow products like cigarettes or potentially harmful pesticides to be sold — those are value judgements that only humans can make.

EVALUER LE RISQUE CLIENT I Les enjeux liés au risque client II la prise de renseignements pendant la phase commerciale III L’évaluation de la solvabilité d’un prospect ou client 1. A partir du bilan comptable 2. A l’aide d’indicateurs internes IV Les outils d’évaluation des risques I Les enjeux liés au risque client 1. Définition et critères de risques On entend par risque client l’ensemble des situations dans lesquelles le client pourrait compromettre la pérennité du fournisseur. Quelques critères permettent de repérer le risque client : - la taille et l’âge de l’entreprise - le produit qu’elle propose, - son client avec ses propres clients (la sous traitance par exemple induit un lien de dépendance) - le secteur sur lequel elle évolue - la concurrence qu’elle subit - et le montant de ses disponibilités On peut ainsi répartir les degrés de risque : 2. Les impayés clients : première cause de faillite des entreprises Par principe, l’entreprise dépense avant d’encaisser. En accordant des délais de paiement, elle se prive de trésorerie. Elle a alors un besoin en fonds de roulement (BFR), c'est-à-dire besoin de disposer d’une trésorerie d’avance. Tout retard de paiement engendre donc une augmentation du BFR que l’entreprise n’est parfois plus en état de couvrir (découvert bancaire).Lorsque le client est insolvable, c’est un manque de trésorerie qui pèse sur l’entreprise et donc sur sa pérennité. La PME limite donc les risques si certains de ses clients payent comptant. Les entreprises activent donc plusieurs stratégies pour faire face à leurs impayés : 29% gèrent les relances en interne, 24% négocient des facilités de caisse avec leur banque et 19% négocient avec les fournisseurs. II la prise de renseignements pendant la phase commerciale L’entreprise qui souhaite conclure un contrat avec un prospect professionnel peut consulter un certain nombre de documents disponibles auprès d’organismes. Les organismes les plus sollicités sont : - la greffe du tribunal de commerce : elle délivre gratuitement des informations sur les entreprises immatriculées au registre du commerce et des sociétés telles que les statuts, les comptes annuels, l’état d’endettement, l’extrait kbis. L'extrait Kbis représente la véritable « carte d'identité » à jour d'une entreprise immatriculée au Registre du Commerce et des Sociétés (RCS). - les sociétés spécialisées fournissent des informations commerciales et financières, des documents comptables et des analyses payantes permettant de vérifier l’état de santé des entreprises : - les cabinets de recouvrement et sociétés d’assurance : ils réalisent des enquêtes de solvabilité et émettent un avis sur le risque de défaillance sous forme de score ou de note. - Les banques : les entreprises sont notées par les banques. La cotation de la banque mesure la capacité de l’entreprise à honorer ses engagements financiers sur 3 ans. Grâce à cette cotation, la PME peut ainsi , par l’intermédiaire de la banque, vérifier si le prospect ou client est solide financièrement. III L’évaluation de la solvabilité d’un prospect ou client La solvabilité correspond à la capacité de l’entreprise à faire face à ses engagements à long terme. L’entreprise est solvable si la valeur de ses actifs (immobilisations, créances, stocks et disponibilités) est supérieure à ses emprunts et dettes. Une entreprise peut être solvable mais peut manquer de liquidités, c'est-à-dire d’argent disponible au quotidien. La liquidé mesure donc la capacité de l’entreprise à faire face à ses engagements à court terme. 1. A partir du bilan comptable Le bilan comptable fournit des indications sur la santé financière de l’entreprise prospect Les définitions que vous devez maitriser : • Pour l’actif : C’est quoi une Immobilisation ? La notion d'immobilisation intègre l'ensemble des biens durables détenus par une entreprise sur plus d'un exercice comptable et qui ne sont pas destinés à la revente. Les immobilisations financières correspondent aux actifs financiers d'utilisation durable possédés par l'entreprise. Il s'agit notamment des titres de participation, des prêts accordés… Les immobilisations incorporelles comprennent les frais d'établissement, les frais de recherche et développement, les concessions, brevets, licences, marques, logiciels et autres droits similaires, le droit au bail, le fonds commercial. Une immobilisation corporelle correspond à un actif physique que l’entreprise entend utiliser au-delà de la clôture de l’exercice comptable en cours : les terrains, les constructions, l’agencement et les installations générales, l’outillage, le matériel, les véhicules, le mobilier et les équipements informatiques. Que signifie disponibilités ? Le poste "Disponibilités" est constitué des montants détenus en caisse (pièces et billets que l'entreprise possède) et des avoirs en banque (argent détenu sur les comptes bancaires de l'entreprise). On utilise également le terme de trésorerie. C’est quoi une valeur mobilière de placement ? Ce sont des titres financiers, actions ou obligations. En comptabilité, elles correspondent aux excédents de trésorerie placés par l'entreprise. • Pour le passif : Que signifie capitaux propres ? Les capitaux propres sont les ressources financières que possède l'entreprise Le capital social d’une entreprise est égal au montant total des apports de biens et d’argent des associés Que signifie réserves ? Cumul des bénéfices des exercices antérieurs qui n'ont pas été redistribués aux propriétaires de l'entreprise, ni intégrés dans son capital Que signifie résultat ? Il correspond aux ressources restantes à l'entreprise une fois les charges déduites du chiffre d'affaires. 2 A l’aide d’indicateurs internes Une entreprise manque souvent de temps et de moyens pour suivre l’ensemble des ses encours clients. Toutefois, il est nécessaire d’analyser régulièrement certains supports pour anticiper les problèmes de trésorerie. Elle peut - analyser son portefeuille clients via la méthode ABC (vu dans un chapitre précédent), - prendre du recul sur les retards de paiement : le service comptable signale les retards de paiement ou les demandes régulières de report d’échéances. La balance âgée permet de visualiser les clients à relancer Exemple : - mettre en place des indicateurs de suivi des impayés via un tableau Excel Exemple : IV Les outils d’évaluation des risques Les entreprises peuvent se procurer des logiciels dédiés au risque client mais il sont souvent très complexes à utiliser. Certaines entreprises utilisent le crédit management : c’est l’ensemble des procédures financières ou juridiques visant à optimiser le chiffre d’affaires de l’entreprise en accélérant les règlements clients. Une des méthodes de crédit management s’appelle la méthode des points de risque. Elle consiste à classer les clients selon leur risque afin de leur fixer des modalités de paiement adaptés. Elle permet donc d’évaluer les risques de coopération et de se prémunir au cas par cas. Exemple de tableau des points de risque

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