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Public Administration
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Public administration: evolution of a discipline
I. DĂ©finition L'appel d'offres est donc une procĂ©dure par laquelle un acheteur public choisit l'offre Ă©conomiquement la plus avantageuse, sans nĂ©gociation, sur la base de critĂšres objectifs prĂ©alablement dĂ©finis Son but est de mettre en concurrence plusieurs entreprises privĂ©es pour obtenir la meilleure offre possible. Les caractĂ©ristiques principales sont les suivantes : âą Absence de nĂ©gociation : L'acheteur sĂ©lectionne l'offre uniquement sur la base des propositions reçues, sans nĂ©gociation avec les candidats âą CritĂšres objectifs : La sĂ©lection se fait selon des critĂšres dĂ©finis Ă l'avance et communiquĂ©s aux candidats âą Transparence : Les appels d'offres publics sont soumis Ă des rĂšgles strictes de publicitĂ© et de transparence Ce principe dâappel dâoffre garantie donc lâĂ©galitĂ© de traitement des entreprises privĂ©es candidates et une certaine transparence. II. Les diffĂ©rentes formes dâappel dâoffres Il existe deux formes principales d'appels d'offres dans les marchĂ©s publics : âą Appel d'offres ouvert : Toute entreprise intĂ©ressĂ©e peut rĂ©pondre Ă lâappel dâoffre âą Appel d'offres restreint : Seuls les candidats prĂ©sĂ©lectionnĂ©s par l'acheteur sont autorisĂ©s Ă soumettre une offre. Cette procĂ©dure est particuliĂšrement adaptĂ©e aux marchĂ©s complexes ou spĂ©cialisĂ©s, oĂč l'acheteur souhaite prĂ©sĂ©lectionner les entreprises les plus qualifiĂ©es avant d'examiner leurs offres en dĂ©tail. III. Les objectifs pour une PME de prospecter des nouveaux marchĂ©s via les appels dâoffres Il y a plusieurs objectifs pour une entreprise de prospecter de nouveaux marchĂ©s : â trouver de nouveaux clients ; â garantir le dĂ©veloppement de lâactivitĂ© de lâentreprise ; â compenser lâĂ©rosion du portefeuille clients existant ou remplacer les clients peu ou pas rentables Ainsi, au-delĂ du simple gain commercial, les appels d'offres reprĂ©sentent un vĂ©ritable levier stratĂ©gique de dĂ©veloppement pour les entreprises, quelle que soit leur taille. IV. La procĂ©dure de rĂ©ponse aux appels dâoffre 1. Les Ă©tapes principales Voici les principales Ă©tapes pour rĂ©pondre efficacement Ă un appel d'offres : âą Identifiez les appels d'offres pertinents âą Activez des alertes automatiques sur les plateformes dĂ©diĂ©es âą TĂ©lĂ©chargez le Dossier de Consultation des Entreprises (DCE) âą Analysez minutieusement le cahier des charges et le rĂšglement de consultation âą PrĂ©parer la rĂ©ponse soit constituez le dossier de candidature avec les documents administratifs requis âą Transmettre la rĂ©ponse soit dĂ©poser le dossier complet sur la plateforme de dĂ©matĂ©rialisation avant la date limite âą Suivre la rĂ©ponse : en cas de rejet, demandez un retour pour identifier les points d'amĂ©lioration 2. La consultation des appels dâoffre Les PME doivent dâabord identifier les appels d'offres pertinents. Cela peut se faire par : âą Les rĂ©seaux professionnels : Participer Ă des salons, des confĂ©rences et des Ă©vĂ©nements rĂ©seaux aide Ă dĂ©couvrir des opportunitĂ©s. âą La veille : S'abonner Ă des bulletins d'information et des alertes sur les marchĂ©s pertinents. âą La consultation de plateformes en ligne : De nombreux sites web rĂ©pertorient les appels d'offres publics, utilisateur aux PME de filtre par secteur et localisation. Lâassistant(e) de gestion dispose de plusieurs sites de marchĂ© publics Voici les principaux sites français pour consulter les appels d'offres publics : Les Sites officiels : ïŒ BOAMP (Bulletin Officiel des Annonces des MarchĂ©s Publics) : C'est le site officiel qui publie les appels d'offres de l'Ătat, des collectivitĂ©s territoriales et des Ă©tablissements publics ïŒ PLACE (Plateforme des Achats de l'Ătat) : C'est la plateforme de dĂ©matĂ©rialisation des marchĂ©s publics de l'Ătat. La publication y est obligatoire pour les marchĂ©s de l'Ătat Ă partir de 40 000 ⏠HT ïŒ JOUE (Journal Officiel de l'Union EuropĂ©enne) : Il publie les appels d'offres europĂ©ens Les plateformes privĂ©es : ïŒ France MarchĂ©s : Ce portail agrĂšge les appels d'offres de plus de 300 journaux rĂ©gionaux, du BOAMP, du JOUE et de plus de 1000 sites d'acheteurs publics ïŒ MarchĂ©s Online : Cette plateforme donne accĂšs Ă l'ensemble des appels d'offres publiĂ©s, quel que soit le secteur d'activitĂ© ïŒ E-marchespublics : Ce site permet d'accĂ©der aux appels d'offres publiĂ©s sur diverses sources comme le BOAMP, le JOUE, la presse et les profils d'acheteurs Les Autres sources : ïŒ Journaux d'Annonces LĂ©gales (JAL) : Environ 540 journaux en France sont habilitĂ©s Ă publier des annonces lĂ©gales, dont les appels d'offres ïŒ Sites internet des administrations publiques : La plupart des administrations publient leurs appels d'offres directement sur leur site internet ïŒ Presse spĂ©cialisĂ©e : Certaines revues sont spĂ©cialisĂ©es dans les appels d'offres de leur dĂ©partement ou rĂ©gion Pour une veille efficace, il est recommandĂ© d'utiliser des outils de veille Ă©lectronique ou de s'abonner aux alertes proposĂ©es par ces diffĂ©rentes plateformes. Cela permet de recevoir automatiquement les appels d'offres correspondant Ă vos critĂšres de recherche 3. Les candidatures dâappels dâoffre Pour concourir Ă un marchĂ© public, il est possible de se prĂ©senter seul, de prĂ©senter une candidature groupĂ©e avec plusieurs entreprises : âą La candidature seule : l'entreprise se prĂ©sente pour exĂ©cuter personnellement le marchĂ©. Elle a la capacitĂ© technique et financiĂšre dâexĂ©cuter seule et dans son entier le marchĂ©. âą Le groupement : le groupement conjoint (lâentreprise n'est responsable que de la part du marchĂ© qu'elle exĂ©cute) ou le groupement solidaire : (chaque membre du groupement est engagĂ© financiĂšrement pour la totalitĂ© du marchĂ©. Cela signifie que tous les membres sont collectivement responsables de l'exĂ©cution complĂšte du contrat). 4. La rĂ©ponse Ă lâappel dâoffre La rĂ©ponse Ă un appel d'offres doit contenir les Ă©lĂ©ments suivants : âą une lettre de prĂ©sentation : PrĂ©senter briĂšvement l'entreprise et son intĂ©rĂȘt pour le projet. âą une proposition technique : DĂ©tails sur la façon dont le projet sera rĂ©alisĂ© soient les mĂ©thodes et leurs chronologies. âą Une proposition financiĂšre : faire une estimation des coĂ»ts et des conditions de paiement Le dossier de rĂ©ponse Ă©tant lâinterface entre la PME et le donneur dâordre, il convient de lui apporter le plus grand soin. Il faut donc prĂ©parer le dossier de rĂ©ponse et remplir le document unique de marchĂ© europĂ©en appelĂ© DUME : dĂ©claration sur l'honneur standardisĂ©e et Ă©lectronique utilisĂ©e dans les procĂ©dures de marchĂ©s publics Le certificat Ă©lectronique est un Ă©lĂ©ment essentiel pour rĂ©pondre aux appels d'offres publics dĂ©matĂ©rialisĂ©s. Voici les principaux points Ă retenir : ïŒ Depuis le 1er octobre 2018, la dĂ©matĂ©rialisation est obligatoire pour les marchĂ©s publics supĂ©rieurs Ă 40 000 ⏠HT ïŒ Dans ce cadre, une signature Ă©lectronique valide est requise pour signer les documents de rĂ©ponse aux appels d'offres. L'utilisation d'un certificat Ă©lectronique pour les appels d'offres prĂ©sente plusieurs avantages : ïŒ Gain de temps dans les Ă©changes avec les acheteurs publics ïŒ Ăconomies sur les frais d'impression et d'envoi ïŒ SĂ©curisation accrue des documents transmis ïŒ PossibilitĂ© de signer Ă distance Les certificats Ă©lectroniques pour rĂ©pondre aux appels d'offres sont dĂ©livrĂ©s par des prestataires de services de confiance qualifiĂ©s, conformes au rĂšglement europĂ©en eIDAS et au RĂ©fĂ©rentiel GĂ©nĂ©ral de SĂ©curitĂ© (RGS) français. Les principaux Ă©metteurs de ces certificats sont : ïŒ CertEurope ïŒ ChamberSign France ïŒ Certigna (filiale de Docaposte) ïŒ Dhimyotis ïŒ Universign La date limite de rĂ©ception des offres (DLRO) est un Ă©lĂ©ment crucial dans le processus des appels d'offres pour les marchĂ©s publics. La DLRO, Ă©galement appelĂ©e date limite de remise des offres ou des plis, correspond Ă la date et l'heure limites auxquelles les candidatures ou offres doivent ĂȘtre reçues par l'acheteur public1 Le dĂ©lai commence le lendemain de la date d'envoi de l'avis d'appel Ă la concurrence par l'acheteur. Dans cette dĂ©marche, lâentreprise peut rĂ©aliser un tableau de suivi des appels dâoffres dont voici un exemple : 5. La rĂ©ponse Ă lâappel dâoffre Une fois la dĂ©cision prise, l'acheteur doit envoyer une notification officielle Ă l'entreprise retenue. Cette communication doit ĂȘtre faite par Ă©crit, gĂ©nĂ©ralement par lettre recommandĂ©e avec accusĂ© de rĂ©ception ou par voie Ă©lectronique sĂ©curisĂ©e. Tout candidat Ă©vincĂ© peut demander par Ă©crit des informations complĂ©mentaires sur les motifs du rejet de son offre. L'acheteur doit alors rĂ©pondre dans un dĂ©lai de 15 jours en fournissant : âą Les motifs dĂ©taillĂ©s du rejet de la candidature ou de l'offre âą Les caractĂ©ristiques et avantages de l'offre retenue âą Le nom de l'attributaire V. Le paiement des marchĂ©s en appel dâoffres Le dĂ©lai maximal de paiement est gĂ©nĂ©ralement de 30 jours. Ce dĂ©lai est portĂ© Ă 50 jours pour les hĂŽpitaux et 60 jours pour les entreprises publiques. . Le paiement intervient aprĂšs constatation du "service fait", c'est-Ă -dire une fois que la prestation a Ă©tĂ© rĂ©alisĂ©e et vĂ©rifiĂ©e conforme par l'acheteur public Des avances et acomptes peuvent ĂȘtre versĂ©s : ïŒ L'avance est obligatoire pour les PME sur les marchĂ©s de plus de 50 000 ⏠HT et d'une durĂ©e supĂ©rieure Ă 2 mois. Elle reprĂ©sente 20% du montant pour l'Ătat, 10% pour les autres acheteurs publics ïŒ Les acomptes sont versĂ©s tous les 3 mois maximum, ou tous les mois pour les marchĂ©s de travaux avec des PME
I beg to move, That this House welcomes the formation of a Government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion. On Friday evening last I received His Majesty's commission to form a new Administration. It as the evident wish and will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties, both those who supported the late Government and also the parties of the Opposition. I have completed the most important part of this task. A War Cabinet has been formed of five Members, representing, with the Opposition Liberals, the unity of the nation. The three party Leaders have agreed to serve, either in the War Cabinet or in high executive office. The three Fighting Services have been filled. It was necessary that this should be done in one single day, on account of the extreme urgency and rigour of events. A number of other positions, key positions, were filled yesterday, and I am submitting a further list to His Majesty to-night. I hope to complete the appointment of the principal Ministers during to-morrow. the appointment of the other Ministers usually takes a little longer, but I trust that, when Parliament meets again, this part of my task will be completed, and that the administration will be complete in all respects. I considered it in the public interest to suggest that the House should be summoned to meet today. Mr. Speaker agreed, and took the necessary steps, in accordance with the powers conferred upon him by the Resolution of the House. At the end of the proceedings today, the Adjournment of the House will be proposed until Tuesday, 21st May, with, of course, provision for earlier meeting, if need be. The business to be considered during that week will be notified to Members at the earliest opportunity. I now invite the House, by the Motion which stands in my name, to record its approval of the steps taken and to declare its confidence in the new Government. To form an Administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself, but it must be remembered that we are in the preliminary stage of one of the greatest battles in history, that we are in action at many other points in Norway and in Holland, that we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean, that the air battle is continuous and that many preparations, such as have been indicated by my hon. Friend below the Gangway, have to be made here at home. In this crisis I hope I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today. I hope that any of my friends and colleagues, or former colleagues, who are affected by the political reconstruction, will make allowance, all allowance, for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act. I would say to the House, as I said to those who have joined this government: "I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat." 2 We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many long months of struggle and of suffering. You ask, what is our policy? I can say: It is to wage war, by sea, land and air, with all our might and with all the strength that God can give us; to wage war against a monstrous tyranny, never surpassed in the dark, lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy. You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word: It is victory, victory at all costs, victory in spite of all terror, victory, however long and hard the road may be; for without victory, there is no survival. Let that be realised; no survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge and impulse of the ages, that mankind will move forward towards its goal. But I take up my task with buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men. At this time I feel entitled to claim the aid of all, and I say, "come then, let us go forward together with our united strength."
âThereâs No Such Thing as Sound Scienceâ by By Christie Aschwanden was a lead science writer for FiveThirtyEight. FiveThirtyEight, Science, Dec. 6, 2017 Science is being turned against itself. For decades, its twin ideals of transparency and rigor have been weaponized by those who disagree with results produced by the scientific method. Under the Trump administration, that fight has ramped up again. In a move ostensibly meant to reduce conflicts of interest, Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Scott Pruitt has removed a number of scientists from advisory panels and replaced some of them with representatives from industries that the agency regulates. Like many in the Trump administration, Pruitt has also cast doubt on the reliability of climate science. For instance, in an interview with CNBC, Pruitt said that âmeasuring with precision human activity on the climate is something very challenging to do.â Similarly, Trumpâs pick to head NASA, an agency that oversees a large portion the nationâs climate research, has insisted that research into human influence on climate lacks certainty, and he falsely claimed that âglobal temperatures stopped rising 10 years ago.â Kathleen Hartnett White, Trumpâs nominee to head the White House Council on Environmental Quality, said in a Senate hearing last month that she thinks we âneed to have more precise explanations of the human role and the natural roleâ in climate change. The same entreaties crop up again and again: We need to root out conflicts. We need more precise evidence. What makes these arguments so powerful is that they sound quite similar to the points raised by proponents of a very different call for change thatâs coming from within science. This other movement strives to produce more robust, reproducible findings. Despite having dissimilar goals, the two forces espouse principles that look surprisingly alike: Science needs to be transparent. Results and methods should be openly shared so that outside researchers can independently reproduce and validate them. The methods used to collect and analyze data should be rigorous and clear, and conclusions must be supported by evidence. These are the arguments underlying an âopen scienceâ reform movement that was created, in part, as a response to a âreproducibility crisisâ that has struck some fields of science.1 But theyâre also used as talking points by politicians who are working to make it more difficult for the EPA and other federal agencies to use science in their regulatory decision-making, under the guise of basing policy on âsound science.â Scienceâs virtues are being wielded against it. What distinguishes the two calls for transparency is intent: Whereas the âopen scienceâ movement aims to make science more reliable, reproducible and robust, proponents of âsound scienceâ have historically worked to amplify uncertainty, create doubt and undermine scientific discoveries that threaten their interests. âOur criticisms are founded in a confidence in science,â said Steven Goodman, co-director of the Meta-Research Innovation Center at Stanford and a proponent of open science. âThatâs a fundamental difference â weâre critiquing science to make it better. Others are critiquing it to devalue the approach itself.â Calls to base public policy on âsound scienceâ seem unassailable if you donât know the termâs history. The phrase was adopted by the tobacco industry in the 1990s to counteract mounting evidence linking secondhand smoke to cancer. A 1992 Environmental Protection Agency report identified secondhand smoke as a human carcinogen, and Philip Morris responded by launching an initiative to promote what it called âsound science.â In an internal memo, Philip Morris vice president of corporate affairs Ellen Merlo wrote that the program was designed to âdiscredit the EPA report,â âprevent states and cities, as well as businesses from passing smoking bansâ and âproactivelyâ pass legislation to help their cause. The sound science tactic exploits a fundamental feature of the scientific process: Science does not produce absolute certainty. Contrary to how itâs sometimes represented to the public, science is not a magic wand that turns everything it touches to truth. Instead, itâs a process of uncertainty reduction, much like a game of 20 Questions. Any given study can rarely answer more than one question at a time, and each study usually raises a bunch of new questions in the process of answering old ones. âScience is a process rather than an answer,â said psychologist Alison Ledgerwood of the University of California, Davis. Every answer is provisional and subject to change in the face of new evidence. Itâs not entirely correct to say that âthis study proves this fact,â Ledgerwood said. âWe should be talking instead about how science increases or decreases our confidence in something.â The tobacco industryâs brilliant tactic was to turn this baked-in uncertainty against the scientific enterprise itself. While insisting that they merely wanted to ensure that public policy was based on sound science, tobacco companies defined the term in a way that ensured that no science could ever be sound enough. The only sound science was certain science, which is an impossible standard to achieve. âDoubt is our product,â wrote one employee of the Brown & Williamson tobacco company in a 1969 internal memo. The note went on to say that doubt âis the best means of competing with the âbody of factââ and âestablishing a controversy.â These strategies for undermining inconvenient science were so effective that theyâve served as a sort of playbook for industry interests ever since, said Stanford University science historian Robert Proctor. The sound science push is no longer just Philip Morris sowing doubt about the links between cigarettes and cancer. Itâs also a 1998 action plan by the American Petroleum Institute, Chevron and Exxon Mobil to âinstall uncertaintyâ about the link between greenhouse gas emissions and climate change. Itâs industry-funded groupsâ late-1990s effort to question the science the EPA was using to set fine-particle-pollution air-quality standards that the industry didnât want. And then there was the more recent effort by Dow Chemical to insist on more scientific certainty before banning a pesticide that the EPAâs scientists had deemed risky to children. Now comes a move by the Trump administrationâs EPA to repeal a 2015 rule on wetlands protection by disregarding particular studies. (To name just a few examples.) Doubt merchants arenât pushing for knowledge, theyâre practicing what Proctor has dubbed âagnogenesisâ â the intentional manufacture of ignorance. This ignorance isnât simply the absence of knowing something; itâs a lack of comprehension deliberately created by agents who donât want you to know, Proctor said.2 In the hands of doubt-makers, transparency becomes a rhetorical move. âItâs really difficult as a scientist or policy maker to make a stand against transparency and openness, because well, who would be against it?â said Karen Levy, researcher on information science at Cornell University. But at the same time, âyou can couch everything in the language of transparency and it becomes a powerful weapon.â For instance, when the EPA was preparing to set new limits on particulate pollution in the 1990s, industry groups pushed back against the research and demanded access to primary data (including records that researchers had promised participants would remain confidential) and a reanalysis of the evidence. Their calls succeeded and a new analysis was performed. The reanalysis essentially confirmed the original conclusions, but the process of conducting it delayed the implementation of regulations and cost researchers time and money. Delay is a time-tested strategy. âGridlock is the greatest friend a global warming skeptic has,â said Marc Morano, a prominent critic of global warming research and the executive director of ClimateDepot.com, in the documentary âMerchants of Doubtâ (based on the book by the same name). Moranoâs site is a project of the Committee for a Constructive Tomorrow, which has received funding from the oil and gas industry. âWeâre the negative force. Weâre just trying to stop stuff.â Some of these ploys are getting a fresh boost from Congress. The Data Quality Act (also known as the Information Quality Act) was reportedly written by an industry lobbyist and quietly passed as part of an appropriations bill in 2000. The rule mandates that federal agencies ensure the âquality, objectivity, utility, and integrity of informationâ that they disseminate, though it does little to define what these terms mean. The law also provides a mechanism for citizens and groups to challenge information that they deem inaccurate, including science that they disagree with. âIt was passed in this very quiet way with no explicit debate about it â that should tell you a lot about the real goals,â Levy said. But whatâs most telling about the Data Quality Act is how itâs been used, Levy said. A 2004 Washington Post analysis found that in the 20 months following its implementation, the act was repeatedly used by industry groups to push back against proposed regulations and bog down the decision-making process. Instead of deploying transparency as a fundamental principle that applies to all science, these interests have used transparency as a weapon to attack very particular findings that they would like to eradicate. Now Congress is considering another way to legislate how science is used. The Honest Act, a bill sponsored by Rep. Lamar Smith of Texas,3 is another example of what Levy calls a âTrojan horseâ law that uses the language of transparency as a cover to achieve other political goals. Smithâs legislation would severely limit the kind of evidence the EPA could use for decision-making. Only studies whose raw data and computer codes were publicly available would be allowed for consideration. That might sound perfectly reasonable, and in many cases it is, Goodman said. But sometimes there are good reasons why researchers canât conform to these rules, like when the data contains confidential or sensitive medical information.4 Critics, which include more than a dozen scientific organizations, argue that, in practice, the rules would prevent many studies from being considered in EPA reviews.5 It might seem like an easy task to sort good science from bad, but in reality itâs not so simple. âThereâs a misplaced idea that we can definitively distinguish the good from the not-good science, but itâs all a matter of degree,â said Brian Nosek, executive director of the Center for Open Science. âThere is no perfect study.â Requiring regulators to wait until they have (nonexistent) perfect evidence is essentially âa way of saying, âWe donât want to use evidence for our decision-making,ââ Nosek said. Most scientific controversies arenât about science at all, and once the sides are drawn, more data is unlikely to bring opponents into agreement. Michael Carolan, who researches the sociology of technology and scientific knowledge at Colorado State University, wrote in a 2008 paper about why objective knowledge is not enough to resolve environmental controversies. âWhile these controversies may appear on the surface to rest on disputed questions of fact, beneath often reside differing positions of value; values that can give shape to differing understandings of what âthe factsâ are.â Whatâs needed in these cases isnât more or better science, but mechanisms to bring those hidden values to the forefront of the discussion so that they can be debated transparently. âAs long as we continue down this unabashedly naive road about what science is, and what it is capable of doing, we will continue to fail to reach any sort of meaningful consensus on these matters,â Carolan writes. The dispute over tobacco was never about the science of cigarettesâ link to cancer. It was about whether companies have the right to sell dangerous products and, if so, what obligations they have to the consumers who purchased them. Similarly, the debate over climate change isnât about whether our planet is heating, but about how much responsibility each country and person bears for stopping it. While researching her book âMerchants of Doubt,â science historian Naomi Oreskes found that some of the same people who were defending the tobacco industry as scientific experts were also receiving industry money to deny the role of human activity in global warming. What these issues had in common, she realized, was that they all involved the need for government action. âNone of this is about the science. All of this is a political debate about the role of government,â she said in the documentary. These controversies are really about values, not scientific facts, and acknowledging that would allow us to have more truthful and productive debates. What would that look like in practice? Instead of cherry-picking evidence to support a particular view (and insisting that the science points to a desired action), the various sides could lay out the values they are using to assess the evidence. For instance, in Europe, many decisions are guided by the precautionary principle â a system that values caution in the face of uncertainty and says that when the risks are unclear, it should be up to industries to show that their products and processes are not harmful, rather than requiring the government to prove that they are harmful before they can be regulated. By contrast, U.S. agencies tend to wait for strong evidence of harm before issuing regulations. Both approaches have critics, but the difference between them comes down to priorities: Is it better to exercise caution at the risk of burdening companies and perhaps the economy, or is it more important to avoid potential economic downsides even if it means that sometimes a harmful product or industrial process goes unregulated? In other words, under what circumstances do we agree to act on a risk? How certain do we need to be that the risk is real, and how many people would need to be at risk, and how costly is it to reduce that risk? Those are moral questions, not scientific ones, and openly discussing and identifying these kinds of judgment calls would lead to a more honest debate. Science matters, and we need to do it as rigorously as possible. But science canât tell us how risky is too risky to allow products like cigarettes or potentially harmful pesticides to be sold â those are value judgements that only humans can make.
History of policing Pre-confederation Mostly informal policing by community residents First police officers Quebec city, mid 17th century Upper Canada, early 19th century Mandate Police conflicts between ethinc groups and employes/labours Maintain moral standards (drunkenness, alcoholism) Apprehend criminals Provincal Police Force Response to disorder resulting form gold strikes in 19th century Replaced by RCMP during 20th century Currently, Ontario,Quebec and parts of Newfoundland have their own provincal police force History of RCMP North-Wesr Mounted Police Founded in 1873 Maintain law and order Ensure orderly settlement in prairies Many problems: desertion, resignation and improper conduct Replaced by Royal Canadain Mounted Police Police Today About 70,000 police officers across Canada 199 police officers per 100,000 population Lower than Scotland (337), England(244), U.S (238) NUmber increased over past decade NUmber of female officers increased 1 out of 5 officers is a women Contemporary Policing Structure of policing Four levels Federal, Provincial, municipal, and First nations Also public transportation police (railway, airport, and transit) Some municipalities have own forces E.g, Peel, Toronoto Others use provincial force detachments or RCMP detachments Royal Candanin Mounted Police Governed by Royal Canadian Mounted Pollcei Act (1985) Broad Range of policing activities, including federal policing and international peacekeppiong Contract Policing Provincial, territorial and municipal level Concerns about local oversight and accountability In but not of communities-difficult to ensure that RCMp detachments are responsive to communities Provincial Police Three forces Ontario Provincial Police Surete du Quebec (SQ) Royal Newfoundland Constabulary (RNC) Other provinces contractually use the RCMP Responsibilities Police rural areas and areas outside municipalities Enforce provincial laws and Criminal Code Regional Police Amalgamated Forces E.g Peel region police and Halton Regional Police Force Provide Police Services to over Half of Ontarians Advantages Cheaper, more servies Disadvantages To centralized, not in touch with community Municipal Police Responsibilites Enforce Criminal Code, Provincal Statues, municipal by laws, some federal statues (e.g drugs) Largest number of officers of any level My be contracted to RCMP or Provincal force Costs are paid by the municipality First Nations Type of policing is negotiated by First Nations Commnity Autonomous reserve based First Nations Officers from RCMP or OPP Responsibilites Enforce Criminal Code, federal and provicanl statues, band bylaws Accountability Reserve based police commission or band council Private Security Services Two main types 1. Private Security Firms 2. Company based, in house security officers No more legal authority than ordinary citizens But can arrest and detain people who commit crimes on private property In Canada, Private security officers outnumber police officer by four to one Parapolice Extension of activities Lack of systems of oversight like transitional police Police Work POlicing The activities of any indivual or organization acting legally on behalf of public or private organizations or persons to maintain security or social order Pluralization of Policing The sharing between public and private security Legislative Framework Carry out tasks within a number of legislative frameworks, define role, powers/responsibilites Canadian charter of rights and freedoms- most impactful on power/actvites of police Provincial and municipal legislation - Status such as motor vehicle administration acts, highway traffic acts, liquor acts and provincial/musincpal police acts Democracy Governance Categories of Policing Recruitment and Training of police officers Police recruitment Recruiting Visible Minorites and Aboriginal People Special initvates and programs for youth, women and visible minorities PEACE (Police Ethnic and Cultureal Exchange) OPPBound (particpate in variety of activate with officer) Toronto POlice recruitment of Somali Officers Edmonton police uniforms that include a hijab Police Training Residential/non-residential academies, centralized and decentralized Physical and academic instruction, socilization into the police occupation Operational field traiing Hands-on application of principles learned in the academy Mentoship form senior officer Working Personality of Police officers Challenges of Police Work Work Enviroment Long hours and shift work Exposure to stressors, especially in high demand environments PTSD and burnout Work Organiztion Harassment of female officers Cumbersome of system of internal redress Summary A number of misconceptions arounds police work, including th emotion that most police work involves crime control A variety of influences on the roles and activities of the police Four levels of policing: federal, provincial, mnicipal and First Nations, each with different responsibilities
The Criminal Jusctice System CJS- all of the agencies, organizations, and personnel that are involved in prevention or, response to, crime including Persons charged with criminal offences Persons convicted of crimes Criminal jusctie professtionals Volunteers who work in the criminal jusctice system The CJS includes Crime prevention and crime reduction Arrest and prosecution of suspects Hearing of criminal cases by teh courts Sentencing and teh administration and enforcement of court orders Parole, forms of conditional release Supervision and assistance for ex-offenders released into the community Role and Responsibility of Government in the CJS Each level of government plays a role Division of responsibility, federal and provincial governments in the Constitution Act, 1867 The federal government decides which behaviours constitute criminal offences Provincial/territorial governments responsible for enforcing and administering the justice system Criminal Justice Administration Two competing perspectives on teh value systems underlying the administration of criminal jusctie 1. The Crime Control model: An orientation to criminal jusctise in which the protection of the community and the apprehensions of offenders are paramount. There are two competing perspectives on teh value system underlying the administration of criminal juscite 2. The due process model An orientation to criminal justice in which the legal rights of individual citizens, including crime suspects, are paramount An adversarial system of criminal justice Canadian criminal justice system is an adversarial system Defence lawyers/prosecutor present their cases before a neutral judge/jury The standard of proof is proof beyond a reasonable doubt Task Environments The task environment is the cultural, geographic and community setting in which the CJS operates, criminal justice personnel make decisions Media and Public Attitudes For most Canadians, news media stories primary source of information about CJS. Shows may oversimplify complex issues Tens to be biased toward sensational crime, simplify issues and public generalize from specific events Different Effects of the CJS Studies of the deterrent effect of criminal law suggest the law can serve as a deterrent only when certain conditions are present 1. Legal Sanctions (severe) applied if individuals engage in certain behaviours 2. Certainty of punishment 3. Sanction is applied swiftly when a crime is committed Restorative justice Restorative justice, alternative framework for responding to criminal offenders. Focus on Problem-solving Addressing the needs of victims and offenders Involving the community on a proactive basis and Fashioning sanctions that reduce the likelihood of reoffending There are a number of entry points in the criminal justice system where restorative justice approaches can be used Summary The criminal jusctie suystem (CJS) contains all of the agencies, organiztions, and personnel that are involved in teh prevention of, and response to crime There are 2 competing models of criminal justice administration: 1) due process and 2) crime control. The flow of cases through the justice system can be illustrated with a âfunnel,â reflecting the fact that there is significant attrition in cases through the criminal justice process The role of discretion, ethics and accountability are pervasive considerations within the CJS CJS personnel work in various task environments that affect teh challenges faced There is variation in the oversight and accountability of criminal justice personnel For most Canadians, teh media is the primary source of information about the CJS Restorative justice has a number of features that distinguish it from the adversarial system
MYTH The British helped the Jews displace the native Arab population of Palestine. FACT Herbert Samuel, a British Jew who served as the first High Commissioner of Palestine, placed restrictions on Jewish immigration âin the âinterests of the present populationâ and the âabsorptive capacityâ of the country.â1 The influx of Jewish settlers was said to force the Arab fellahin (native peasants) from their land. This was when less than a million people lived in an area that now supports more than nine million. The British limited the absorptive capacity of Palestine when, in 1921, Colonial Secretary Winston Churchill severed nearly four-fifths of Palestineâsome thirty-five thousand square milesâto create a new Arab entity, Transjordan. As a consolation prize for the Hejaz and Arabia (which are both now Saudi Arabia) going to the Saud family, Churchill rewarded Sharif Husseinâs son Abdullah for his contribution to the war against Turkey by installing him as Transjordanâs emir. The British went further and placed restrictions on Jewish land purchases in what remained of Palestine. By 1949, the British had allotted 87,500 acres of the 187,500 acres of cultivable land to Arabs and only 4,250 acres to Jews. This contradicted Article 6 of the Mandate which stated that âthe Administration of PalestineâŠshall encourage, in cooperation with the Jewish AgencyâŠclose settlement by Jews on the land, including State lands and waste lands not acquired for public purposes.â2 Ultimately, the British admitted that the argument about the countryâs absorptive capacity was specious. The Peel Commission said, âThe heavy immigration in the years 1933â36 would seem to show that the Jews have been able to enlarge the absorptive capacity of the country for Jews.â3 MYTH The British allowed Jews to flood Palestine while Arab immigration was tightly controlled. FACT The British response to Jewish immigration set a precedent of appeasing the Arabs, which was followed for the duration of the Mandate. The British restricted Jewish immigration while allowing Arabs to enter the country freely. Apparently, London did not feel that a flood of Arab immigrants would affect the countryâs âabsorptive capacity.â During World War I, the Jewish population in Palestine declined because of the war, famine, disease, and expulsion by the Turks. In 1915, approximately 83,000 Jews lived in Palestine among 590,000 Muslim and Christian Arabs. According to the 1922 census, the Jewish population was 83,000, while the Arabs numbered 643,000.4 Thus, the Arab population grew exponentially while that of the Jews stagnated. In the mid-1920s, Jewish immigration to Palestine increased primarily because of anti-Jewish economic legislation in Poland and Washingtonâs imposition of restrictive quotas.5 The record number of immigrants in 1935 (see table) was a response to the growing persecution of Jews in Nazi Germany. The British administration considered this number too large, however, so the Jewish Agency was informed that less than one-third of the quota it asked for would be approved in 1936.6 The British gave in further to Arab demands by announcing in the 1939 White Paper that an independent Arab state would be created within ten years and that Jewish immigration was to be limited to 75,000 for the next five years, after which it was to cease altogether. It also forbade land sales to Jews in 95% of the territory of Palestine. The Arabs, nevertheless, rejected the proposal. Jewish Immigration to Palestine7 1919 1,806 1931 4,075 1920 8,223 1932 12,533 1921 8,294 1933 37,337 1922 8,685 1934 45,267 1923 8,175 1935 66,472 1924 13,892 1936 29,595 1925 34,386 1937 10,629 1926 13,855 1938 14,675 1927 3,034 1939 31,195 1928 2,178 1940 10,643 1929 5,249 1941 4,592 1930 4,944 By contrast, throughout the Mandatory period, Arab immigration was unrestricted. In 1930, the Hope Simpson Commission, sent from London to investigate the 1929 Arab riots, said the British practice of ignoring the uncontrolled illegal Arab immigration from Egypt, Transjordan, and Syria had the effect of displacing the prospective Jewish immigrants.8 The British governor of the Sinai from 1922 to 1936 observed, âThis illegal immigration was not only going on from the Sinai, but also from Transjordan and Syria, and it is very difficult to make a case out for the misery of the Arabs if at the same time their compatriots from adjoining states could not be kept from going in to share that misery.â9 The Peel Commission reported in 1937 that the âshortfall of land isâŠdue less to the amount of land acquired by Jews than to the increase in the Arab population.â10 MYTH The British changed their policy to allow Holocaust survivors to settle in Palestine. FACT The gates of Palestine remained closed for the duration of the war, stranding hundreds of thousands of Jews in Europe, many of whom became victims of Hitlerâs âFinal Solution.â After the war, the British refused to allow the survivors of the Nazi nightmare to find sanctuary in Palestine. On June 6, 1946, President Truman urged the British government to relieve the suffering of the Jews confined to displaced persons camps in Europe by immediately accepting 100,000 Jewish immigrants. Britainâs foreign minister Ernest Bevin replied sarcastically that the United States wanted displaced Jews to immigrate to Palestine âbecause they did not want too many of them in New York.â11 Some Jews reached Palestine, many smuggled in on dilapidated ships organized by the Haganah. Between August 1945 and the establishment of the State of Israel in May 1948, sixty-five âillegalâ immigrant ships, carrying 69,878 people, arrived from European shores. In August 1946, however, the British began to intern those they caught in camps on Cyprus. Approximately 50,000 people were detained in the camps, and 28,000 remained imprisoned when Israel declared independence.12 MYTH As the Jewish population grew, the plight of the Palestinian Arabs worsened. FACT In July 1921, Hasan Shukri, the mayor of Haifa and president of the Muslim National Associations, sent a telegram to the British government in reaction to a delegation of Palestinians that went to London to try to stop the implementation of the Balfour Declaration. Shukri wrote: We are certain that without Jewish immigration and financial assistance there will be no future development of our country as may be judged from the fact that the towns inhabited in part by Jews such as Jerusalem, Jaffa, Haifa, and Tiberias are making steady progress while Nablus, Acre, and Nazareth where no Jews reside are steadily declining.13 The Jewish population increased by 470,000 between World War I and World War II, while the non-Jewish population rose by 588,000.14 The permanent Arab population increased by 120% between 1922 and 1947.15 This rapid growth of the Arab population was a result of several factors. One was immigration from neighboring statesâconstituting 37% of the total immigration to pre-state Israelâby Arabs who wanted to take advantage of the higher standard of living the Jews had made possible.16 The Arab population also grew because of the improved living conditions created by the Jews as they drained malarial swamps and brought improved sanitation and health care to the region. Thus, for example, the Muslim infant mortality rate fell from 201 per thousand in 1925 to 94 per thousand in 1945, and life expectancy rose from 37 years in 1926 to 49 in 1943.17 The Arab population increased the most in cities where large Jewish populations had created new economic opportunities. From 1922â1947, the non-Jewish population increased by 290% in Haifa, 131% in Jerusalem, and 158% in Jaffa. The growth in Arab towns was more modest: 42% in Nablus, 78% in Jenin, and 37% in Bethlehem.18 MYTH Jews stole Arab land. FACT Despite the growth in their population, the Arabs continued to assert they were being displaced. From the beginning of World War I, however, part of Palestineâs land was owned by absentee landlords who lived in Cairo, Damascus, and Beirut. About 80% of the Palestinian Arabs were debt-ridden peasants, semi-nomads, and Bedouins.19 Jews went out of their way to avoid purchasing land in areas where Arabs might be displaced. They sought land that was largely uncultivated, swampy, cheap, andâmost importantâwithout tenants. In 1920, Labor Zionist leader David Ben-Gurion expressed his concern about the Arab fellahin, whom he viewed as âthe most important asset of the native population.â He insisted that âunder no circumstances must we touch land belonging to fellahs or worked by them.â Instead, he advocated helping liberate them from their oppressors. âOnly if a fellah leaves his place of settlement,â Ben-Gurion added, âshould we offer to buy his land, at an appropriate price.â20 Jews only began to purchase cultivated land after buying all the uncultivated territory. Many Arabs were willing to sell because of the migration to coastal towns and because they needed money to invest in the citrus industry.21 When John Hope Simpson arrived in Palestine in May 1930, he observed, âThey [the Jews] paid high prices for the land and, in addition, they paid to certain of the occupants of those lands a considerable amount of money which they were not legally bound to pay.â22 In 1931, Lewis French conducted a survey of landlessness for the British government and offered new plots to any Arabs who had been âdispossessed.â British officials received more than 3,000 applications, of which 80% were ruled invalid by the governmentâs legal adviser because the applicants were not landless Arabs. This left only about 600 landless Arabs, 100 of whom accepted the government land offer.23 In April 1936, a new outbreak of Arab attacks on Jews was instigated by local Palestinian leaders who were later joined by Arab volunteers led by a Syrian guerrilla named Fawzi al-Qawuqji, the commander of the Arab Liberation Army. By November, when the British finally sent a new commission headed by Lord Peel to investigate, 89 Jews had been killed and more than 300 wounded.24 The Peel Commissionâs report found that Arab complaints about Jewish land acquisition were baseless. It pointed out that âmuch of the land now carrying orange groves was sand dunes or swamp and uncultivated when it was purchasedâŠThere was at the time of the earlier sales little evidence that the owners possessed either the resources or training needed to develop the land.â25 Moreover, the Commission found the shortage was âdue less to the amount of land acquired by Jews than to the increase in the Arab population.â The report concluded that the presence of Jews in Palestine, along with the work of the British administration, had resulted in higher wages, an improved standard of living, and ample employment opportunities.26 It is made quite clear to all, both by the map drawn up by the Simpson Commission and by another compiled by the Peel Commission, that the Arabs are as prodigal in selling their land as they are in useless wailing and weeping (emphasis in the original). âTransjordanâs king Abdullah27 Even at the height of the Arab revolt in 1938 (which began in April 1936 with the murder of two Jews by Arabs and the subsequent murder of two Arab workers by members of the Jewish underground28), the British high commissioner to Palestine believed the Arab landowners were complaining about sales to Jews to drive up prices for lands they wished to sell. Many Arab landowners had been so terrorized by Arab rebels they decided to leave Palestine and sell their property to the Jews.29 The Jews paid exorbitant prices to wealthy landowners for small tracts of arid land. âIn 1944, Jews paid between $1,000 and $1,100 per acre in Palestine, mostly for arid or semiarid land; in the same year, rich black soil in Iowa was selling for about $110 per acre.â30 By 1947, Jewish holdings in Palestine amounted to about 463,000 acres. Approximately 45,000 were acquired from the mandatory government, 30,000 were bought from various churches, and 387,500 were purchased from Arabs. Analyses of land purchases from 1880 to 1948 show that 73% of Jewish plots were purchased from large landowners, not poor fellahin.31 Many leaders of the Arab nationalist movement, including members of the Muslim Supreme Council, and the mayors of Gaza, Jerusalem, and s sold land to the Jews. Asâad el-Shuqeiri, a Muslim religious scholar and father of Palestine Liberation Organization chairman Ahmed Shuqeiri, took Jewish money for his land. Even King Abdullah leased land to the Jews.32 MYTH The British helped the Palestinians to live peacefully with the Jews. FACT In 1921, Haj Amin el-Husseini first began to organize fedayeen (âone who sacrifices himselfâ) to terrorize Jews. El-Husseini hoped to duplicate the success of Kemal AtatĂŒrk in Turkey by driving the Jews out of Palestine just as Kemal had driven the invading Greeks from his country.33 Arab radicals gained influence because the British administration was unwilling to take effective action against them until they began a revolt against British rule. Colonel Richard Meinertzhagen, former head of British military intelligence in Cairo, and later chief political officer for Palestine and Syria, wrote in his diary that British officials âincline towards the exclusion of Zionism in Palestine.â The British encouraged the Palestinians to attack the Jews. According to Meinertzhagen, Col. Bertie Harry Waters-Taylor (financial adviser to the military administration in Palestine 1919â23) met with el-Husseini in 1920, a few days before Easter, and told him that âhe had a great opportunity at Easter to show the worldâŠthat Zionism was unpopular not only with the Palestine administration but in Whitehall.â He added that âif disturbances of sufficient violence occurred in Jerusalem at Easter, both General [Louis] Bols [chief administrator in Palestine, 1919â20] and General [Edmund] Allenby [commander of the Egyptian force, 1917â19, then high commissioner of Egypt] would advocate the abandonment of the Jewish Home. Waters-Taylor explained that freedom could only be attained through violence.â34 El-Husseini took the colonelâs advice and instigated a riot. The British withdrew their troops and the Jewish police from Jerusalem, allowing the Arab mob to attack Jews and loot their shops. Because of el-Husseiniâs overt role in instigating the pogrom, the British decided to arrest him. He escaped, however, and was sentenced to ten years in absentia. A year later, some British Arabists convinced High Commissioner Herbert Samuel to pardon el-Husseini and to appoint him Mufti (a cleric in charge of Jerusalemâs Islamic holy places). By contrast, Vladimir Jabotinsky and several followers, who had formed a Jewish defense organization during the unrest, were sentenced to 15 years. They were released a few months later.35 Samuel met with el-Husseini on April 11, 1921, and was assured âthat the influences of his family and himself would be devoted to tranquility.â Three weeks later, riots in Jaffa and elsewhere left forty-three Jews dead.36 El-Husseini consolidated his power and took control of all Muslim religious funds in Palestine. He used his authority to gain control over the mosques, the schools, and the courts. No Arab could reach an influential position without being loyal to the Mufti. His power was so absolute that âno Muslim in Palestine could be born or die without being beholden to Haj Amin.â37 The Muftiâs henchmen also ensured he would have no opposition by systematically killing Palestinians who discussed cooperation with the Jews from rival clans. As the spokesman for Palestinian Arabs, el-Husseini did not ask that Britain grant them independence. On the contrary, in a letter to Churchill in 1921, he demanded that Palestine be reunited with Syria and Transjordan.38 The Arabs found rioting an effective political tool because of the lax British response toward violence against Jews. In handling each riot, the British prevented Jews from protecting themselves but made little effort to prevent the Arabs from attacking them. After each outbreak, a British commission of inquiry would try to establish the cause of the violence. The conclusion was always the same: The Arabs feared being displaced by the Jews. To stop the rioting, the commissions would recommend that restrictions be placed on Jewish immigration. Thus, the Arabs learned they could always stop the influx of Jews by staging riots. This cycle began after a series of riots in May 1921. After failing to protect the Jewish community from Arab mobs, the British appointed the Haycraft Commission to investigate the cause of the violence. Although the panel concluded the Arabs had been the aggressors, it rationalized the cause of the attack: âThe fundamental cause of the riots was a feeling among the Arabs of discontent with, and hostility to, the Jews, due to political and economic causes, and connected with Jewish immigration, and with their conception of Zionist policy.â39 One consequence of the violence was the institution of a temporary ban on Jewish immigration. The Arab fear of being âdisplacedâ or âdominatedâ was an excuse for their attacks on Jewish settlers. Note, too, that these riots were not inspired by nationalistic fervorânationalists would have rebelled against their British overlordsâthey were motivated by economics, the radical Islamic views of the Mufti, and misunderstanding. In 1929, Arab provocateurs convinced the masses that the Jews had designs on the Temple Mount (a tactic still used today to incite violence). A Jewish religious observance at the Western Wall, which forms a part of the Temple Mount, served as a pretext for rioting by Arabs against Jews, which spilled out of Jerusalem into other villages and towns, including Safed and Hebron. Again, the British administration made no effort to prevent the violence, and, after it began, the British did nothing to protect the Jewish population. After six days of mayhem, the British finally brought troops in to quell the disturbance. By this time, most of Hebronâs Jews had fled or been killed. In all, 133 Jews were killed and 399 wounded in the pogroms.40 After the riots, the British ordered an investigation, resulting in the Passfield White Paper. It said the âimmigration, land purchase and settlement policies of the Zionist Organization were already or were likely to become, prejudicial to Arab interests. It understood the mandatory governmentâs obligation to the non-Jewish community to mean that Palestineâs resources must be primarily reserved for the growing Arab economy.â41 This meant it was necessary to restrict Jewish immigration and land purchases. MYTH The Mufti was not a Nazi collaborator. FACT In 1941, Haj Amin al-Husseini, the Mufti of Jerusalem, fled to Germany and met with Adolf Hitler, Heinrich Himmler, Joachim Von Ribbentrop, and other Nazi leaders. He wanted to persuade them to extend the Nazisâ anti-Jewish program to the Arab world. The Mufti sent Hitler fifteen drafts of declarations he wanted Germany and Italy to make concerning the Middle East. One called on the two countries to declare the illegality of the Jewish home in Palestine. He also asked the Axis powers to âaccord to Palestine and to other Arab countries the right to solve the problem of the Jewish elements in Palestine and other Arab countries in accordance with the interest of the Arabs, and by the same method that the question is now being settled in the Axis countries.â42 In November 1941, the Mufti met with Hitler, who told him the Jews were his foremost enemy. The Nazi dictator rebuffed the Muftiâs requests for a declaration in support of the Arabs, however, telling him the time was not right. The Mufti offered Hitler his âthanks for the sympathy which he had always shown for the Arab and especially Palestinian cause, and to which he had given clear expression in his public speeches.â He added, âThe Arabs were Germanyâs natural friends because they had the same enemies as had Germany, namelyâŠthe Jews.â Hitler told the Mufti he opposed the creation of a Jewish state and that Germanyâs objective was destroying the Jewish element in the Arab sphere.43 In 1945, Yugoslavia sought to indict the Mufti as a war criminal for his role in recruiting twenty thousand Muslim volunteers for the SS, who participated in the killing of Jews in Croatia and Hungary. He escaped French detention in 1946, however, and continued his fight against the Jews from Cairo and later Beirut where he died in 1974. MYTH The bombing of the King David Hotel was part of a deliberate terror campaign against civilians. FACT British troops seized the Jewish Agency compound on June 29, 1946, and confiscated large quantities of documents. At about the same time, more than 2,500 Jews from all over Palestine were arrested. A week later, news of a massacre of 40 Jews in a pogrom in Poland reminded the Jews of Palestine how Britainâs restrictive immigration policy had condemned thousands to death. In response to the British provocations, and a desire to demonstrate that the Jewsâ spirit could not be broken, the United Resistance Movement planned to bomb the King David Hotel, which housed the British military command and the Criminal Investigation Division in addition to hotel guests. The Haganah pulled out of the plot and left it up to the Irgun. Irgun leader Menachem Begin stressed his desire to avoid civilian casualties and the plan was to warn the British so they would evacuate the building before it was blown up. Three telephone calls were placed on July 22, 1946, one to the hotel, another to the French Consulate, and a third to the Palestine Post warning that explosives in the King David Hotel would soon be detonated. The call to the hotel was received and ignored. Begin quotes one British official who supposedly refused to evacuate the building, saying, âWe donât take orders from the Jews.â44 As a result, when the bombs exploded, the casualty toll was high: 91 killed and 45 injured. Among the casualties were 15 Jews. Few people in the main part of the hotel were injured.45 For decades, the British denied they had been warned. In 1979, however, a member of the British Parliament provided the testimony of a British officer who heard other officers in the King David Hotel bar joking about a Zionist threat to the headquarters. The officer who overheard the conversation immediately left the hotel and survived.46 In contrast to Arab attacks against Jews, which Arab leaders hailed as heroic actions, the Jewish National Council denounced the bombing of the King David.47 1 Aharon Cohen, Israel and the Arab World, (NY: Funk and Wagnalls, 1970), p. 172
Richard Bland College (RBC), Virginiaâs selective, two-year, residential, liberal arts transfer institution, was born through innovation. In 1959, years before the Virginia Community College system was imagined, Frank Ernst â a Gateway region native, entrepreneur, and retired executive of Hopewellâs Allied Chemical Plant â proposed the creation of an institution grounded in the liberal arts tradition with opportunities for specialized training in in-demand fields such as engineering to the State Council of Higher Education. After discussions with Virginia Tech and the University of Virginia, Ernst found a willing partner in the College of William & Mary, the second-oldest university in the United States, who founded Richard Bland College in 1960. RBC has since offered multiple certificates and university-parallel two-year degrees. The College was named for the Virginia statesman and champion of public rights, Richard Bland. Son and grandson of successful planters, Richard Bland was educated at The College of William and Mary. From 1742 until his death in 1776, he represented the area in which the College is now located, first in the House of Burgesses, and later, with the adoption of a state constitution, in the House of Delegates. He also served as a delegate from Virginia in both the First and Second Continental Congresses. It seems fitting, therefore, that an institution of higher learning located in an area served for so many years by this distinguished Virginia patriot and scholar, should derive its name from one whom Jefferson described âas the most learned and logical man of those who took prominent lead in public affairs.â Before the Civil War, the property on which the College is now located was a plantation owned by the Gurley family. It became an important part of the Union-occupied territory during the 1864-1865 Siege of Petersburg. The present campus was the scene of two battles during that campaign. Shortly after the turn of the century, Hatcher Seward established a dairy and cattle farm on the former Gurley property and constructed two farmhouses. Today they serve as the Presidentâs residence and the Hospitality House. In the early 1900s, the still-beautiful grove of pecan trees was planted. The farm was used as a work camp for about twenty conscientious objectors during World War I. The Commonwealth of Virginia authorized Central State Hospital to purchase the land in 1932 for use as the Petersburg Training School and Hospital for African-American Youth. That institution was moved in 1959, and the land, still owned by the Commonwealth, became the location for the establishment of Richard Bland College of The College of William and Mary. Under the guidance of Colonel (Ret.) James M. Carson, the former hospital and training facility was transformed into Richard Bland College, and classes were held beginning in 1961. In the late 1960s, Ernst Hall (named for a local business leader influential in the establishment of the college) was added to the original campus. In addition, a Student Center Library building and a gymnasium also were constructed in the early 1970s. Colonel Carson retired as the founding President of the College in 1973. From 1973 through 1975, Dr. Cornelius Laban, Professor of Biology, Emeritus, served as the Acting President of Richard Bland College. In 1975, Dr. Clarence Maze succeeded Colonel Carson as Richard Bland Collegeâs second President. During his tenure, Richard Bland College expanded its academic programs, added an Asian water garden that was designed by Dr. Maze and expanded international programs and travel. In recognition of his service to the College, the renovated administration building was named Maze Hall upon his retirement in 1996. In 1996, Dr. James B. McNeer succeeded Dr. Clarence Maze as Richard Bland Collegeâs third President. Dr. McNeer introduced a residential life program and oversaw the addition of the Residential Village in 2008. The Residential Village was comprised of two dormitories, Freedom Hall and Patriot Hall, which housed 250 students. A new Science and Technology Building was added in 2010, and in recognition of his service to the College, this building was named James B. McNeer Hall. Dr. McNeer retired in 2012. In 2012, Dr. Debbie L. Sydow succeeded Dr. James McNeer as Richard Bland Collegeâs fourth president. Dr. Sydow expanded the reach, range and diversity of students attending Richard Bland College. She oversaw a physical campus transformation through extensive building renovation and new construction, creation of a Business Innovation Park, and conservation of the iconic pecan grove and water garden. President Sydow reinstituted intercollegiate athletics in 2013 and has since hailed three NJCAA national championship teams. She supported the Foundationâs emergence as a vibrant, entrepreneurial organization led by a Board of Directors composed largely of alumni, and she secured the largest private gift in College history to launch the W&M Promise Scholars program. By effectively leveraging partnerships, President Sydow boosted work-based learning and expanded academic and career pathways for students.