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1990s to Present EOC Review
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Unit 15: 1980s to PresentChapter One: Management Today The challenges of working in the new economy recognize: 1.1 Working Today Talent Talented people- What they know, what they learn and what they can achive The source of organisational performance Develop skills and improve What is intellectual capital The combined brain power and shared knowledge of an organization's employees TO orginzations: Intellectual capital resents a strategic asset as human creativity, insight and decision making can be converted into superior performance To individuals: Intellectual capital is a personal asset, one to be nurtured and continually updated Things evolve, make sure we keep updated Intellectual capital: The package on intellect skills and capabilities that set us apart making us valable to potential employers Maintaining your talent: There is no escaping the fact that your career success will require a lot of initiative, self awareness and continuous learning Technology Tech is in our everyday lives Latest developments Smart phone, smart apparel, smart cars, smart homes We struggle to keep up with social media ana staying connected with messaging, full of email and voicemail What happenings as younger workers advance into management Flexibility Work ethic It is critical to build and maintain a high Tech IQ! What is Tech IQ: The ability to use current technologies at work and in your personal life, combined with the commitment to keep yourself updated as technology continues to evolve Intellectual capi5la is a combination of: Commitment x Competency = Intellectual capital How to make the world a better place Globalisation The worldwide interdependence of resources flows, product markets and business competition Under the influence, government leaders worry and about the competitiveness of nations just as corporate leaders worry about business competitiveness Emerging markets will power global growth over the next 20 years. By 2025 overall global consumption is forecast to reach $62 trillion, twice its 2013 level and fully half of this increase will come from the emerging world Consequence: Going to fast in uses resources, inflation, corporate greed It's cheaper to have things made in different countries (wages are low and going down) Shamrock organization 1 leaf - full time employees- standard career paths 2 leaf - âfreelancersâ 3 leaf - Part times without benefits (first to lose their jobs when employers face economic difficulties) The rising of emerging markets Now account for 60% of all low and medium technology manufacturing worldwide Total value add in high tech manufacturing from a low 26% in the 1970s to 48% at present China strategy to upgrade its industries and move the manufacturing value ching by prioritising 10 sectors Information technology, robotic, aerospace, maritime equipment, modern railway equipment, alternative energy vehicles, power equipment, agriculture equipment, advanced materials, biopharma and medical products Ethics A code of moral principa;s that sets standards for conduct that is âgoodâ and ârightâ as well as âbadâ and âwrongâ Enron company huge corruption even in elections same thing happened with The Mechanism 1.2 - Organizations Organizational Purpose An orgnizations is a collection of people working together to achieve a common purpose Unique social phenomenon that enables its members to perform tasks far beyond the reach of individual accomplishment (synergy) The broad purpose of any orginzation is to provide goods or services of value to customers and clients A clear sense of purpose tied to: Quality of products and services Customer satisfaction Social responsibility Can be an important source of organisational strength and performance advantage All organisations are open systems (Systems that interact with its environment for renewal and growth) Organizations as systems All organizations are open systems that interact with their environment Continual process of obtaining resource inputs-people, information, resources and capital- and transforming them into outputs in the form of finished goods and services for customers One simple way to assess the impact of any organisation is to ask the question: How is the world different because it existed Value Creation: Organisations create value when they use resources well to produce good products and take care of their customers One simple way to assess the impact of any organization is to ask the questions: How is the world different because it existed? The 3 Ps of organizational performance Profit - is the decision economically sound? People - Does the decision treat people with respect and dignity? Planet - Is the decision good for the environment? Productivity: An overall measure of the quantity and quality of work performance with recourse utilisation taken into account Performance effectiveness: An output measure of task or goal accomplishment Performance efficiency: An input measure of the resource costs associated with goal accomplishment. Workplace changes that impact management Focus on valuing human capital Demise of âCommand and controlâ Emphasis on teamwork Pre-eminence of technology New workforce expectations Importance of networking Concern for sustainability 1.3 Managers Importance of human resources and manger People are not âcosts to be controlledâ High performing organizations treat people as valuable strategic assets Three takeaways 1. Give leaders broad authority 2. Encourage them to think like CEO 3. Challenge strong performers ealy with big opportunities Direct support, supervise and help activate the work efforts of others The people who managers help are the ones whose contributions represent the real work of the organisation Types of managers Line managers are responsible for work activities that directly affect organizationâs output Staff managers use technical expertise to advise and support the efforts of line workers Functional managers are responsible for a single area of activity Quality of work life (QWL) An indicator of the overall quality of human experiences in the workplace QWL Indicators Respect Fair pay Safe working conditions Opportunities to learn and use new skills Room to grow and progress in a career Protection of individuals rights The organization as an upside-down pyramid A managerâs job is to support workerâs efforts The best managers are known for helping and supporting Customers at the top served by worker who are supported by managers 1.4 The management Process Managers achieve high performance for their organizations by best utilizing its humans and material resources Management is the process of planning, organizing, leading and controlling the use of resources to accomplish performance goals All managers are responsible for the four functions The functions are carried on continually Characteristics of managerial work Long hours Intense pace Fragmented and varied tasks Many communication media Filled with interpersonal relationships Managerial agendas and networks Agenda setting Develops action priorities for accomplishing goals and plans Networking Process of building and maintaining positive relationships with people who can help advance agendas Social Capital Capacity to attract support and help from others Learning The change in a behaviour that results from experience Lifelong learning The process of continuously learning from daily experiences and opportunities The challenges of working in the new economy recognize: 1.1 Working Today Talent Talented people- What they know, what they learn and what they can achive The source of organisational performance Develop skills and improve What is intellectual capital The combined brain power and shared knowledge of an organization's employees TO orginzations: Intellectual capital resents a strategic asset as human creativity, insight and decision making can be converted into superior performance To individuals: Intellectual capital is a personal asset, one to be nurtured and continually updated Things evolve, make sure we keep updated Intellectual capital: The package on intellect skills and capabilities that set us apart making us valable to potential employers Maintaining your talent: There is no escaping the fact that your career success will require a lot of initiative, self awareness and continuous learning Technology Tech is in our everyday lives Latest developments Smart phone, smart apparel, smart cars, smart homes We struggle to keep up with social media ana staying connected with messaging, full of email and voicemail What happenings as younger workers advance into management Flexibility Work ethic It is critical to build and maintain a high Tech IQ! What is Tech IQ: The ability to use current technologies at work and in your personal life, combined with the commitment to keep yourself updated as technology continues to evolve Intellectual capi5la is a combination of: Commitment x Competency = Intellectual capital How to make the world a better place Globalisation The worldwide interdependence of resources flows, product markets and business competition Under the influence, government leaders worry and about the competitiveness of nations just as corporate leaders worry about business competitiveness Emerging markets will power global growth over the next 20 years. By 2025 overall global consumption is forecast to reach $62 trillion, twice its 2013 level and fully half of this increase will come from the emerging world Consequence: Going to fast in uses resources, inflation, corporate greed It's cheaper to have things made in different countries (wages are low and going down) Shamrock organization 1 leaf - full time employees- standard career paths 2 leaf - âfreelancersâ 3 leaf - Part times without benefits (first to lose their jobs when employers face economic difficulties) The rising of emerging markets Now account for 60% of all low and medium technology manufacturing worldwide Total value add in high tech manufacturing from a low 26% in the 1970s to 48% at present China strategy to upgrade its industries and move the manufacturing value ching by prioritising 10 sectors Information technology, robotic, aerospace, maritime equipment, modern railway equipment, alternative energy vehicles, power equipment, agriculture equipment, advanced materials, biopharma and medical products Ethics A code of moral principa;s that sets standards for conduct that is âgoodâ and ârightâ as well as âbadâ and âwrongâ Enron company huge corruption even in elections same thing happened with The Mechanism 1.2 - Organizations Organizational Purpose An orgnizations is a collection of people working together to achieve a common purpose Unique social phenomenon that enables its members to perform tasks far beyond the reach of individual accomplishment (synergy) The broad purpose of any orginzation is to provide goods or services of value to customers and clients A clear sense of purpose tied to: Quality of products and services Customer satisfaction Social responsibility Can be an important source of organisational strength and performance advantage All organisations are open systems (Systems that interact with its environment for renewal and growth) Organizations as systems All organizations are open systems that interact with their environment Continual process of obtaining resource inputs-people, information, resources and capital- and transforming them into outputs in the form of finished goods and services for customers One simple way to assess the impact of any organisation is to ask the question: How is the world different because it existed Michal Porter - Value Chain Value Creation: Organisations create value when they use resources well to produce good products and take care of their customers One simple way to assess the impact of any organization is to ask the questions: How is the world different because it existed? Triple Bottom Line The 3 Ps of organizational performance Profit - is the decision economically sound? People - Does the decision treat people with respect and dignity? Planet - Is the decision good for the environment? Organizational Performance Productivity: An overall measure of the quantity and quality of work performance with recourse utilisation taken into account Performance effectiveness: An output measure of task or goal accomplishment Performance efficiency: An input measure of the resource costs associated with goal accomplishment. Workplace changes that impact management Focus on valuing human capital Demise of âCommand and controlâ Emphasis on teamwork Pre-eminence of technology New workforce expectations Importance of networking Concern for sustainability 1.3 Managers Importance of human resources and manger People are not âcosts to be controlledâ High performing organizations treat people as valuable strategic assets Three takeaways 1. Give leaders broad authority 2. Encourage them to think like CEO 3. Challenge strong performers easily with big opportunities Direct support, supervise and help activate the work efforts of others The people who managers help are the ones whose contributions represent the real work of the organisation Levels of management Types of managers Line managers are responsible for work activities that directly affect organizationâs output Staff managers use technical expertise to advise and support the efforts of line workers Functional managers are responsible for a single area of activity Quality of work life (QWL) An indicator of the overall quality of human experiences in the workplace QWL Indicators Respect Fair pay Safe working conditions Opportunities to learn and use new skills Room to grow and progress in a career Protection of individuals rights The organization as an upside-down pyramid A managerâs job is to support workerâs efforts The best managers are known for helping and supporting Customers at the top served by worker who are supported by managers 1.4 The management Process Managers achieve high performance for their organizations by best utilizing its humans and material resources Management is the process of planning, organizing, leading and controlling the use of resources to accomplish performance goals All managers are responsible for the four functions The functions are carried on continually Four functions: Planning,organizing, leading and controlling Mintzbergâs 10 Managerial Roles Characteristics of managerial work Long hours Intense pace Fragmented and varied tasks Many communication media Filled with interpersonal relationships Managerial agendas and networks Agenda setting Develops action priorities for accomplishing goals and plans Networking Process of building and maintaining positive relationships with people who can help advance agendas Social Capital Capacity to attract support and help from others Learning The change in a behaviour that results from experience Lifelong learning The process of continuously learning from daily experiences and opportunities Katzâ Essential Managerial Skills âThereâs No Such Thing as Sound Scienceâ by By Christie Aschwanden was a lead science writer for FiveThirtyEight. FiveThirtyEight, Science, Dec. 6, 2017 Science is being turned against itself. For decades, its twin ideals of transparency and rigor have been weaponized by those who disagree with results produced by the scientific method. Under the Trump administration, that fight has ramped up again. In a move ostensibly meant to reduce conflicts of interest, Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Scott Pruitt has removed a number of scientists from advisory panels and replaced some of them with representatives from industries that the agency regulates. Like many in the Trump administration, Pruitt has also cast doubt on the reliability of climate science. For instance, in an interview with CNBC, Pruitt said that âmeasuring with precision human activity on the climate is something very challenging to do.â Similarly, Trumpâs pick to head NASA, an agency that oversees a large portion the nationâs climate research, has insisted that research into human influence on climate lacks certainty, and he falsely claimed that âglobal temperatures stopped rising 10 years ago.â Kathleen Hartnett White, Trumpâs nominee to head the White House Council on Environmental Quality, said in a Senate hearing last month that she thinks we âneed to have more precise explanations of the human role and the natural roleâ in climate change. The same entreaties crop up again and again: We need to root out conflicts. We need more precise evidence. What makes these arguments so powerful is that they sound quite similar to the points raised by proponents of a very different call for change thatâs coming from within science. This other movement strives to produce more robust, reproducible findings. Despite having dissimilar goals, the two forces espouse principles that look surprisingly alike: Science needs to be transparent. Results and methods should be openly shared so that outside researchers can independently reproduce and validate them. The methods used to collect and analyze data should be rigorous and clear, and conclusions must be supported by evidence. These are the arguments underlying an âopen scienceâ reform movement that was created, in part, as a response to a âreproducibility crisisâ that has struck some fields of science.1 But theyâre also used as talking points by politicians who are working to make it more difficult for the EPA and other federal agencies to use science in their regulatory decision-making, under the guise of basing policy on âsound science.â Scienceâs virtues are being wielded against it. What distinguishes the two calls for transparency is intent: Whereas the âopen scienceâ movement aims to make science more reliable, reproducible and robust, proponents of âsound scienceâ have historically worked to amplify uncertainty, create doubt and undermine scientific discoveries that threaten their interests. âOur criticisms are founded in a confidence in science,â said Steven Goodman, co-director of the Meta-Research Innovation Center at Stanford and a proponent of open science. âThatâs a fundamental difference â weâre critiquing science to make it better. Others are critiquing it to devalue the approach itself.â Calls to base public policy on âsound scienceâ seem unassailable if you donât know the termâs history. The phrase was adopted by the tobacco industry in the 1990s to counteract mounting evidence linking secondhand smoke to cancer. A 1992 Environmental Protection Agency report identified secondhand smoke as a human carcinogen, and Philip Morris responded by launching an initiative to promote what it called âsound science.â In an internal memo, Philip Morris vice president of corporate affairs Ellen Merlo wrote that the program was designed to âdiscredit the EPA report,â âprevent states and cities, as well as businesses from passing smoking bansâ and âproactivelyâ pass legislation to help their cause. The sound science tactic exploits a fundamental feature of the scientific process: Science does not produce absolute certainty. Contrary to how itâs sometimes represented to the public, science is not a magic wand that turns everything it touches to truth. Instead, itâs a process of uncertainty reduction, much like a game of 20 Questions. Any given study can rarely answer more than one question at a time, and each study usually raises a bunch of new questions in the process of answering old ones. âScience is a process rather than an answer,â said psychologist Alison Ledgerwood of the University of California, Davis. Every answer is provisional and subject to change in the face of new evidence. Itâs not entirely correct to say that âthis study proves this fact,â Ledgerwood said. âWe should be talking instead about how science increases or decreases our confidence in something.â The tobacco industryâs brilliant tactic was to turn this baked-in uncertainty against the scientific enterprise itself. While insisting that they merely wanted to ensure that public policy was based on sound science, tobacco companies defined the term in a way that ensured that no science could ever be sound enough. The only sound science was certain science, which is an impossible standard to achieve. âDoubt is our product,â wrote one employee of the Brown & Williamson tobacco company in a 1969 internal memo. The note went on to say that doubt âis the best means of competing with the âbody of factââ and âestablishing a controversy.â These strategies for undermining inconvenient science were so effective that theyâve served as a sort of playbook for industry interests ever since, said Stanford University science historian Robert Proctor. The sound science push is no longer just Philip Morris sowing doubt about the links between cigarettes and cancer. Itâs also a 1998 action plan by the American Petroleum Institute, Chevron and Exxon Mobil to âinstall uncertaintyâ about the link between greenhouse gas emissions and climate change. Itâs industry-funded groupsâ late-1990s effort to question the science the EPA was using to set fine-particle-pollution air-quality standards that the industry didnât want. And then there was the more recent effort by Dow Chemical to insist on more scientific certainty before banning a pesticide that the EPAâs scientists had deemed risky to children. Now comes a move by the Trump administrationâs EPA to repeal a 2015 rule on wetlands protection by disregarding particular studies. (To name just a few examples.) Doubt merchants arenât pushing for knowledge, theyâre practicing what Proctor has dubbed âagnogenesisâ â the intentional manufacture of ignorance. This ignorance isnât simply the absence of knowing something; itâs a lack of comprehension deliberately created by agents who donât want you to know, Proctor said.2 In the hands of doubt-makers, transparency becomes a rhetorical move. âItâs really difficult as a scientist or policy maker to make a stand against transparency and openness, because well, who would be against it?â said Karen Levy, researcher on information science at Cornell University. But at the same time, âyou can couch everything in the language of transparency and it becomes a powerful weapon.â For instance, when the EPA was preparing to set new limits on particulate pollution in the 1990s, industry groups pushed back against the research and demanded access to primary data (including records that researchers had promised participants would remain confidential) and a reanalysis of the evidence. Their calls succeeded and a new analysis was performed. The reanalysis essentially confirmed the original conclusions, but the process of conducting it delayed the implementation of regulations and cost researchers time and money. Delay is a time-tested strategy. âGridlock is the greatest friend a global warming skeptic has,â said Marc Morano, a prominent critic of global warming research and the executive director of ClimateDepot.com, in the documentary âMerchants of Doubtâ (based on the book by the same name). Moranoâs site is a project of the Committee for a Constructive Tomorrow, which has received funding from the oil and gas industry. âWeâre the negative force. Weâre just trying to stop stuff.â Some of these ploys are getting a fresh boost from Congress. The Data Quality Act (also known as the Information Quality Act) was reportedly written by an industry lobbyist and quietly passed as part of an appropriations bill in 2000. The rule mandates that federal agencies ensure the âquality, objectivity, utility, and integrity of informationâ that they disseminate, though it does little to define what these terms mean. The law also provides a mechanism for citizens and groups to challenge information that they deem inaccurate, including science that they disagree with. âIt was passed in this very quiet way with no explicit debate about it â that should tell you a lot about the real goals,â Levy said. But whatâs most telling about the Data Quality Act is how itâs been used, Levy said. A 2004 Washington Post analysis found that in the 20 months following its implementation, the act was repeatedly used by industry groups to push back against proposed regulations and bog down the decision-making process. Instead of deploying transparency as a fundamental principle that applies to all science, these interests have used transparency as a weapon to attack very particular findings that they would like to eradicate. Now Congress is considering another way to legislate how science is used. The Honest Act, a bill sponsored by Rep. Lamar Smith of Texas,3 is another example of what Levy calls a âTrojan horseâ law that uses the language of transparency as a cover to achieve other political goals. Smithâs legislation would severely limit the kind of evidence the EPA could use for decision-making. Only studies whose raw data and computer codes were publicly available would be allowed for consideration. That might sound perfectly reasonable, and in many cases it is, Goodman said. But sometimes there are good reasons why researchers canât conform to these rules, like when the data contains confidential or sensitive medical information.4 Critics, which include more than a dozen scientific organizations, argue that, in practice, the rules would prevent many studies from being considered in EPA reviews.5 It might seem like an easy task to sort good science from bad, but in reality itâs not so simple. âThereâs a misplaced idea that we can definitively distinguish the good from the not-good science, but itâs all a matter of degree,â said Brian Nosek, executive director of the Center for Open Science. âThere is no perfect study.â Requiring regulators to wait until they have (nonexistent) perfect evidence is essentially âa way of saying, âWe donât want to use evidence for our decision-making,ââ Nosek said. Most scientific controversies arenât about science at all, and once the sides are drawn, more data is unlikely to bring opponents into agreement. Michael Carolan, who researches the sociology of technology and scientific knowledge at Colorado State University, wrote in a 2008 paper about why objective knowledge is not enough to resolve environmental controversies. âWhile these controversies may appear on the surface to rest on disputed questions of fact, beneath often reside differing positions of value; values that can give shape to differing understandings of what âthe factsâ are.â Whatâs needed in these cases isnât more or better science, but mechanisms to bring those hidden values to the forefront of the discussion so that they can be debated transparently. âAs long as we continue down this unabashedly naive road about what science is, and what it is capable of doing, we will continue to fail to reach any sort of meaningful consensus on these matters,â Carolan writes. The dispute over tobacco was never about the science of cigarettesâ link to cancer. It was about whether companies have the right to sell dangerous products and, if so, what obligations they have to the consumers who purchased them. Similarly, the debate over climate change isnât about whether our planet is heating, but about how much responsibility each country and person bears for stopping it. While researching her book âMerchants of Doubt,â science historian Naomi Oreskes found that some of the same people who were defending the tobacco industry as scientific experts were also receiving industry money to deny the role of human activity in global warming. What these issues had in common, she realized, was that they all involved the need for government action. âNone of this is about the science. All of this is a political debate about the role of government,â she said in the documentary. These controversies are really about values, not scientific facts, and acknowledging that would allow us to have more truthful and productive debates. What would that look like in practice? Instead of cherry-picking evidence to support a particular view (and insisting that the science points to a desired action), the various sides could lay out the values they are using to assess the evidence. For instance, in Europe, many decisions are guided by the precautionary principle â a system that values caution in the face of uncertainty and says that when the risks are unclear, it should be up to industries to show that their products and processes are not harmful, rather than requiring the government to prove that they are harmful before they can be regulated. By contrast, U.S. agencies tend to wait for strong evidence of harm before issuing regulations. Both approaches have critics, but the difference between them comes down to priorities: Is it better to exercise caution at the risk of burdening companies and perhaps the economy, or is it more important to avoid potential economic downsides even if it means that sometimes a harmful product or industrial process goes unregulated? In other words, under what circumstances do we agree to act on a risk? How certain do we need to be that the risk is real, and how many people would need to be at risk, and how costly is it to reduce that risk? Those are moral questions, not scientific ones, and openly discussing and identifying these kinds of judgment calls would lead to a more honest debate. Science matters, and we need to do it as rigorously as possible. But science canât tell us how risky is too risky to allow products like cigarettes or potentially harmful pesticides to be sold â those are value judgements that only humans can make.The Philippine Flag Our country is officially identified through our flag. The Philippine flag has three colors: white, blue, and red. White signifies purity; blue means hope and peace; and red denotes bravery. The three stars symbolize the three big groups of islands of our country-the Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao. The eight rays of the sun signify the eight provinces that first revolted against the Spaniards. These are Bulacan, Pampanga, Tarlac, Nueva Ecija, Laguna, Batangas, Manila, and Cavite. We respect our flag to show that we respect our country. We should not treat it like an ordinary cloth because it symbolizes our country. An old flag should be burned and not be used as a rag. Title: National Hero Body text: Dr. Jose Rizal was from a middle-class family from Calamba, Laguna. He is regarded as a genius who fought the Spaniards through his writings, especially the novels "Noli Me Tangere" and "El Filibusterismo." The two novels exposed the anomalies and wrongdoings of the Spanish government against the Filipino people. He wrote the poem "Mi Ultimo Adios" the eve before his execution in Bagumbayan (now known as Rizal Park). National Fruit A mango is sour when it is green, but very sweet when it is ripe. This heart-shaped fruit symbolizes the kindness of the Filipinos. It has a big tree that bears fruits abundantly during summer. National Animal A carabao is a model of hard work and industry. It is the best companion of farmers in the field. It is black and looks like a tamaraw. A carabao is a very strong animal in terms of work. It symbolizes the Filipinos as hardworking and patient. National Bird The Philippine eagle, also known as haribon, stands over 5 feet (1.6 m) tall. It has a large, sharp, and aggressive beak and has powerful talons. Philippine eagles are excellent hunters, and live in tropical rainforests. These eagles lay just one or two eggs each year. National Tree The narra is a hardy tree that grows big and is found mainly in the Bicol Region, Mindanao, and Cagayan Valley forests. Most of the desks and tables in schools are made of narra. It signifies the strong personality of Filipinos in facing trials in life. National Flower The sampaguita has white, star-shaped petals with a sweet fragrance. It is made into garlands, which are given to visitors and special persons on occasions. It signifies purity and among Filipino women. National Fish Bangus or milkfish is our national fish. It grows in ponds or freshwater and tastes delicious. Its white, shiny scales signify our beautiful country. National Dance CariĂąosa is a dance of love using a handkerchief and a fan. It symbolizes the true love expressed by Filipinos. National House A nipa hut is a small but beautiful house made from bamboo and sawali or cogon leaves. Filipinos used this kind of house during the olden times. At present, there are still people using this as a dwelling place, but most of the time, they use it as a rest place or cottage. National Costume Barong Tagalog is the national costume for Filipino men. It is made from pineapple fiber or other native materials. Filipinos wear this on special occasions such as formal events or weddings. Baro at Saya is the national dress for Filipino women. Most of them are made from jusi or pineapple fiber and other native materials. This dress shows the gracefulness of Filipino women. National Leaf Our national leaf is a palm tree. It is wide and narrow like an open fan. Farmers use this to protect their crops from the harsh sunlight and rain. It grows like a tree with thorns in its body. National Language Our national language is Filipino, which is based in Tagalog. Through the efforts of former President Manuel L. Quezon (known as the "Father of the National Language"), Filipino was widely disseminated and is now used in all parts of the country. With this, Filipinos in different cultures and native tongues can still communicate with each other. National Food Lechon (litson) is an important dish served at many occasions, especially on fiestas. Lechon is a suckling pig, slowly roasted over live coals to make it crispy and tasty. National Footwear Bakya is the national footwear of the Philippines. It was most popular from the 1950s to the 1970s before the introduction of rubber slippers. There are several colors and designs of bakya that suit the taste of most Filipinos. Valuing Our National Symbols Symbols represent a country and its people. We have to respect and value these symbols because they tell something about our country and of who we are as Filipinos. Here are some ways of valuing our national symbols: When singing the national anthem, stand straight and place your right hand on your left chest. Remove your cap or close your umbrella. Ask the people walking to stop while the flag is being raised. Tell other children to stop chatting while singing the national anthem. Most importantly, sing the national anthem wholeheartedly. Retirement of a Flag: A worn-out flag should be disposed of respectfully. It should be burned in a dignified ceremony, not thrown away or used for other purposes. Help in saving and conserving our forests. They serve as habitat of our national bird and other animals. You may also help organizations that promote reforestation, clean and green programs, and tree planting activities. Do not pick flowers when visiting parks. Instead, help in keeping these places clean and beautiful. Avoid throwing thrash in their surroundings. Patronize products that are made here in our country and made by Filipinos. Tell your family and friends to buy products of the Philippines especially those of which are our national symbol. Aside from patronizing our own products, let us use and love our national language. It is good to learn foreign languages, but do not forget to use our own language correctly and proudly.Early society and accomplishments Origins Knowledge of the early prehistory of Southeast Asia has undergone exceptionally rapid change as a result of archaeological discoveries made since the 1960s, although the interpretation of these findings has remained the subject of extensive debate. Nevertheless, it seems clear that the region has been inhabited from the earliest times. Hominid fossil remains date from approximately 1,500,000 years ago and those of Homo sapiens from approximately 40,000 years ago. Furthermore, until about 7000 bce the seas were some 150 feet (50 metres) lower than they are now, and the area west of Makassar Strait consisted of a web of watered plains that sometimes is called Sundaland. These land connections perhaps account for the coherence of early human development observed in the Hoabinhian culture, which lasted from about 13,000 to 5000 or 4000 bce. The stone tools used by hunting and gathering societies across Southeast Asia during this period show a remarkable degree of similarity in design and development. When the sea level rose to approximately its present level about 6000 bce, conditions were created for a more variegated environment and, therefore, for more extensive differentiation in human development. While migration from outside the region may have taken place, it did not do so in a massive or clearly punctuated fashion; local evolutionary processes and the circulation of peoples were far more powerful forces in shaping the regionâs cultural landscape. Technological developments and population expansion Perhaps because of a particular combination of geophysical and climatic factors, early Southeast Asia did not develop uniformly in the direction of increasingly complex societies. Not only have significant hunting and gathering populations continued to exist into the 21st century, but the familiar cultural sequences triggered by such events as the discovery of agriculture or metallurgy do not seem to apply. This is not to say that the technological capabilities of early Southeast Asian peoples were negligible, for sophisticated metalworking (bronze) and agriculture (rice) were being practiced by the end of the 3rd millennium bce in northeastern Thailand and northern Vietnam, and sailing vessels of advanced design and sophisticated navigational skills were spread over a wider area by the same time or earlier. Significantly, these technologies do not appear to have been borrowed from elsewhere but were indigenous and distinctive in character. Austronesian languages Austronesian languagesMajor divisions of the Austronesian languages. These technological changes may partially account for two crucial developments in Southeast Asiaâs later prehistory. The first is the extraordinary seaborne expansion of speakers of Proto-Austronesian languages and their descendants, speakers of Austronesian (or Malayo-Polynesian) languages, which occurred over a period of 5,000 years or more and came to encompass a vast area and to stretch nearly half the circumference of Earth at the Equator. This outward movement of people and culture was evolutionary rather than revolutionary, the result of societal preference for small groups and a tendency of groups to hive off once a certain population size had been reached. It began as early as 4000 bce, when Taiwan was populated from the Asian mainland, and subsequently it continued southward through the northern Philippines (3rd millennium bce), central Indonesia (2nd millennium bce), and western and eastern Indonesia (2nd and 1st millennia bce). From approximately 1000 bce on the expansion continued both eastward into the Pacific, where that immense region was populated in a process continuing to about 1000 ce as voyagers reached the Hawaiian Islands and New Zealand, and westward, where Malay peoples reached and settled the island of Madagascar sometime between 500 and 700 ce, bringing with them (among other things) bananas, which are native to Southeast Asia. Thus, for a considerable period of time, the Southeast Asian region contributed to world cultural history, rather than merely accepting outside influences, as frequently has been suggested. The second development, which began possibly as early as 1000 bce, centred on the production of fine bronze and the fashioning of bronze-and-iron objects, particularly as they have been found at the site in northern Vietnam known as Dong Son. The earliest objects consisted of socketed plowshares and axes, shaft-hole sickles, spearheads, and such small items as fishhooks and personal ornaments. By about 500 bce the Dong Son culture had begun producing the bronze drums for which it is known. The drums are large objects (some weigh more than 150 pounds [70 kg]), and they were produced by the difficult lost-wax casting process and decorated with fine geometric shapes and depictions of animals and humans. This metal industry was not derived from similar industries in China or India. Rather, the Dong Son period offers one of the most powerfulâthough not necessarily the only or earliestâexamples of Southeast Asian societies transforming themselves into more densely populated, hierarchical, and centralized communities. Since typical drums, either originals or local renditions, have been found throughout Southeast Asia and since they are associated with a rich trade in exotics and other goods, the Dong Son culture also suggests that the region as a whole consisted not of isolated, primitive niches of human settlement but of a variety of societies and cultures tied together by broad and long-extant trading patterns. Although none of these societies possessed writing, some displayed considerable sophistication and technological skill, and, although none appears to have constituted a territorial centralized state, new and more complex polities were forming.Slide 1: ⢠Title slide with the presentation topic: "Understanding Context in Film Analysis" Slide 2: ⢠Introduction to the importance of context in film analysis. ⢠Engaging visuals to capture students' attention. ⢠Emphasize that context provides a deeper understanding of a film's meaning. Slide 3: ⢠Definition of Context: ⢠Context refers to the surrounding circumstances or conditions that influence the creation, interpretation, and reception of a film. ⢠Analyzing context helps uncover layers of meaning, societal influences, and enhances critical thinking skills. Slide 4: ⢠Historical Context: ⢠Definition: Historical context refers to the specific time period in which a film was created and/or set. ⢠Importance: Understanding the historical context helps us connect the film to its time period and comprehend the influence of historical events, social norms, and cultural movements. ⢠Example: Analyzing the historical context of "Gone with the Wind" (1939) allows us to appreciate how the film reflects the post-Civil War era in the United States and addresses themes of race, class, and gender. Slide 5: ⢠Social Context: ⢠Definition: Social context refers to the social structures, norms, and values prevalent during the time of a film's creation and/or setting. ⢠Importance: Examining the social context helps us understand how societal attitudes and values shape the film's narrative, characters, and themes. ⢠Example: Analyzing the social context of "The Breakfast Club" (1985) reveals how the film explores the social dynamics and stereotypes within a high school setting, reflecting the cultural climate of the 1980s. Slide 6: ⢠Political Context: ⢠Definition: Political context refers to the political climate and ideologies present during the time of a film's creation and/or setting. ⢠Importance: Understanding the political context helps us uncover political messages, power dynamics, and social commentary within the film. ⢠Example: Examining the political context of "V for Vendetta" (2005) allows us to appreciate how the film critiques totalitarianism and explores themes of government control and individual freedom. Slide 7: ⢠Authorial/Directorial Context: ⢠Definition: Authorial/Directorial context refers to the background, artistic choices, and intentions of the director or filmmaker. ⢠Importance: Analyzing this context helps us understand the director's unique vision, influences, and storytelling techniques, which shape the film's style and thematic focus. ⢠Example: Exploring the authorial/directorial context of "Pulp Fiction" (1994) reveals Quentin Tarantino's nonlinear storytelling, pop culture references, and exploration of morality and violence. Slide 8: ⢠Importance of considering multiple contexts together: ⢠Analyzing multiple contexts together provides a comprehensive understanding of a film's meaning and impact. ⢠Exploring the interplay between historical, social, political, and authorial/directorial contexts deepens our insights and enhances critical analysis skills. Slide 9: ⢠Case studies: ⢠Present two different films as case studies. ⢠Example 1: Analyzing the historical context, social context, and authorial/directorial context of "Black Panther" (2018) provides insights into its exploration of Afrofuturism, cultural identity, and representation. ⢠Example 2: Examining the historical context, political context, and authorial/directorial context of "Citizen Kane" (1941) reveals its commentary on power, media, and the American dream. Slide 10: ⢠Summary slide: ⢠Recap the main points about context in film analysis. ⢠Encourage students to apply these concepts to their own analysis.MYTH The British helped the Jews displace the native Arab population of Palestine. FACT Herbert Samuel, a British Jew who served as the first High Commissioner of Palestine, placed restrictions on Jewish immigration âin the âinterests of the present populationâ and the âabsorptive capacityâ of the country.â1 The influx of Jewish settlers was said to force the Arab fellahin (native peasants) from their land. This was when less than a million people lived in an area that now supports more than nine million. The British limited the absorptive capacity of Palestine when, in 1921, Colonial Secretary Winston Churchill severed nearly four-fifths of Palestineâsome thirty-five thousand square milesâto create a new Arab entity, Transjordan. As a consolation prize for the Hejaz and Arabia (which are both now Saudi Arabia) going to the Saud family, Churchill rewarded Sharif Husseinâs son Abdullah for his contribution to the war against Turkey by installing him as Transjordanâs emir. The British went further and placed restrictions on Jewish land purchases in what remained of Palestine. By 1949, the British had allotted 87,500 acres of the 187,500 acres of cultivable land to Arabs and only 4,250 acres to Jews. This contradicted Article 6 of the Mandate which stated that âthe Administration of PalestineâŚshall encourage, in cooperation with the Jewish AgencyâŚclose settlement by Jews on the land, including State lands and waste lands not acquired for public purposes.â2 Ultimately, the British admitted that the argument about the countryâs absorptive capacity was specious. The Peel Commission said, âThe heavy immigration in the years 1933â36 would seem to show that the Jews have been able to enlarge the absorptive capacity of the country for Jews.â3 MYTH The British allowed Jews to flood Palestine while Arab immigration was tightly controlled. FACT The British response to Jewish immigration set a precedent of appeasing the Arabs, which was followed for the duration of the Mandate. The British restricted Jewish immigration while allowing Arabs to enter the country freely. Apparently, London did not feel that a flood of Arab immigrants would affect the countryâs âabsorptive capacity.â During World War I, the Jewish population in Palestine declined because of the war, famine, disease, and expulsion by the Turks. In 1915, approximately 83,000 Jews lived in Palestine among 590,000 Muslim and Christian Arabs. According to the 1922 census, the Jewish population was 83,000, while the Arabs numbered 643,000.4 Thus, the Arab population grew exponentially while that of the Jews stagnated. In the mid-1920s, Jewish immigration to Palestine increased primarily because of anti-Jewish economic legislation in Poland and Washingtonâs imposition of restrictive quotas.5 The record number of immigrants in 1935 (see table) was a response to the growing persecution of Jews in Nazi Germany. The British administration considered this number too large, however, so the Jewish Agency was informed that less than one-third of the quota it asked for would be approved in 1936.6 The British gave in further to Arab demands by announcing in the 1939 White Paper that an independent Arab state would be created within ten years and that Jewish immigration was to be limited to 75,000 for the next five years, after which it was to cease altogether. It also forbade land sales to Jews in 95% of the territory of Palestine. The Arabs, nevertheless, rejected the proposal. Jewish Immigration to Palestine7 1919 1,806 1931 4,075 1920 8,223 1932 12,533 1921 8,294 1933 37,337 1922 8,685 1934 45,267 1923 8,175 1935 66,472 1924 13,892 1936 29,595 1925 34,386 1937 10,629 1926 13,855 1938 14,675 1927 3,034 1939 31,195 1928 2,178 1940 10,643 1929 5,249 1941 4,592 1930 4,944 By contrast, throughout the Mandatory period, Arab immigration was unrestricted. In 1930, the Hope Simpson Commission, sent from London to investigate the 1929 Arab riots, said the British practice of ignoring the uncontrolled illegal Arab immigration from Egypt, Transjordan, and Syria had the effect of displacing the prospective Jewish immigrants.8 The British governor of the Sinai from 1922 to 1936 observed, âThis illegal immigration was not only going on from the Sinai, but also from Transjordan and Syria, and it is very difficult to make a case out for the misery of the Arabs if at the same time their compatriots from adjoining states could not be kept from going in to share that misery.â9 The Peel Commission reported in 1937 that the âshortfall of land isâŚdue less to the amount of land acquired by Jews than to the increase in the Arab population.â10 MYTH The British changed their policy to allow Holocaust survivors to settle in Palestine. FACT The gates of Palestine remained closed for the duration of the war, stranding hundreds of thousands of Jews in Europe, many of whom became victims of Hitlerâs âFinal Solution.â After the war, the British refused to allow the survivors of the Nazi nightmare to find sanctuary in Palestine. On June 6, 1946, President Truman urged the British government to relieve the suffering of the Jews confined to displaced persons camps in Europe by immediately accepting 100,000 Jewish immigrants. Britainâs foreign minister Ernest Bevin replied sarcastically that the United States wanted displaced Jews to immigrate to Palestine âbecause they did not want too many of them in New York.â11 Some Jews reached Palestine, many smuggled in on dilapidated ships organized by the Haganah. Between August 1945 and the establishment of the State of Israel in May 1948, sixty-five âillegalâ immigrant ships, carrying 69,878 people, arrived from European shores. In August 1946, however, the British began to intern those they caught in camps on Cyprus. Approximately 50,000 people were detained in the camps, and 28,000 remained imprisoned when Israel declared independence.12 MYTH As the Jewish population grew, the plight of the Palestinian Arabs worsened. FACT In July 1921, Hasan Shukri, the mayor of Haifa and president of the Muslim National Associations, sent a telegram to the British government in reaction to a delegation of Palestinians that went to London to try to stop the implementation of the Balfour Declaration. Shukri wrote: We are certain that without Jewish immigration and financial assistance there will be no future development of our country as may be judged from the fact that the towns inhabited in part by Jews such as Jerusalem, Jaffa, Haifa, and Tiberias are making steady progress while Nablus, Acre, and Nazareth where no Jews reside are steadily declining.13 The Jewish population increased by 470,000 between World War I and World War II, while the non-Jewish population rose by 588,000.14 The permanent Arab population increased by 120% between 1922 and 1947.15 This rapid growth of the Arab population was a result of several factors. One was immigration from neighboring statesâconstituting 37% of the total immigration to pre-state Israelâby Arabs who wanted to take advantage of the higher standard of living the Jews had made possible.16 The Arab population also grew because of the improved living conditions created by the Jews as they drained malarial swamps and brought improved sanitation and health care to the region. Thus, for example, the Muslim infant mortality rate fell from 201 per thousand in 1925 to 94 per thousand in 1945, and life expectancy rose from 37 years in 1926 to 49 in 1943.17 The Arab population increased the most in cities where large Jewish populations had created new economic opportunities. From 1922â1947, the non-Jewish population increased by 290% in Haifa, 131% in Jerusalem, and 158% in Jaffa. The growth in Arab towns was more modest: 42% in Nablus, 78% in Jenin, and 37% in Bethlehem.18 MYTH Jews stole Arab land. FACT Despite the growth in their population, the Arabs continued to assert they were being displaced. From the beginning of World War I, however, part of Palestineâs land was owned by absentee landlords who lived in Cairo, Damascus, and Beirut. About 80% of the Palestinian Arabs were debt-ridden peasants, semi-nomads, and Bedouins.19 Jews went out of their way to avoid purchasing land in areas where Arabs might be displaced. They sought land that was largely uncultivated, swampy, cheap, andâmost importantâwithout tenants. In 1920, Labor Zionist leader David Ben-Gurion expressed his concern about the Arab fellahin, whom he viewed as âthe most important asset of the native population.â He insisted that âunder no circumstances must we touch land belonging to fellahs or worked by them.â Instead, he advocated helping liberate them from their oppressors. âOnly if a fellah leaves his place of settlement,â Ben-Gurion added, âshould we offer to buy his land, at an appropriate price.â20 Jews only began to purchase cultivated land after buying all the uncultivated territory. Many Arabs were willing to sell because of the migration to coastal towns and because they needed money to invest in the citrus industry.21 When John Hope Simpson arrived in Palestine in May 1930, he observed, âThey [the Jews] paid high prices for the land and, in addition, they paid to certain of the occupants of those lands a considerable amount of money which they were not legally bound to pay.â22 In 1931, Lewis French conducted a survey of landlessness for the British government and offered new plots to any Arabs who had been âdispossessed.â British officials received more than 3,000 applications, of which 80% were ruled invalid by the governmentâs legal adviser because the applicants were not landless Arabs. This left only about 600 landless Arabs, 100 of whom accepted the government land offer.23 In April 1936, a new outbreak of Arab attacks on Jews was instigated by local Palestinian leaders who were later joined by Arab volunteers led by a Syrian guerrilla named Fawzi al-Qawuqji, the commander of the Arab Liberation Army. By November, when the British finally sent a new commission headed by Lord Peel to investigate, 89 Jews had been killed and more than 300 wounded.24 The Peel Commissionâs report found that Arab complaints about Jewish land acquisition were baseless. It pointed out that âmuch of the land now carrying orange groves was sand dunes or swamp and uncultivated when it was purchasedâŚThere was at the time of the earlier sales little evidence that the owners possessed either the resources or training needed to develop the land.â25 Moreover, the Commission found the shortage was âdue less to the amount of land acquired by Jews than to the increase in the Arab population.â The report concluded that the presence of Jews in Palestine, along with the work of the British administration, had resulted in higher wages, an improved standard of living, and ample employment opportunities.26 It is made quite clear to all, both by the map drawn up by the Simpson Commission and by another compiled by the Peel Commission, that the Arabs are as prodigal in selling their land as they are in useless wailing and weeping (emphasis in the original). âTransjordanâs king Abdullah27 Even at the height of the Arab revolt in 1938 (which began in April 1936 with the murder of two Jews by Arabs and the subsequent murder of two Arab workers by members of the Jewish underground28), the British high commissioner to Palestine believed the Arab landowners were complaining about sales to Jews to drive up prices for lands they wished to sell. Many Arab landowners had been so terrorized by Arab rebels they decided to leave Palestine and sell their property to the Jews.29 The Jews paid exorbitant prices to wealthy landowners for small tracts of arid land. âIn 1944, Jews paid between $1,000 and $1,100 per acre in Palestine, mostly for arid or semiarid land; in the same year, rich black soil in Iowa was selling for about $110 per acre.â30 By 1947, Jewish holdings in Palestine amounted to about 463,000 acres. Approximately 45,000 were acquired from the mandatory government, 30,000 were bought from various churches, and 387,500 were purchased from Arabs. Analyses of land purchases from 1880 to 1948 show that 73% of Jewish plots were purchased from large landowners, not poor fellahin.31 Many leaders of the Arab nationalist movement, including members of the Muslim Supreme Council, and the mayors of Gaza, Jerusalem, and s sold land to the Jews. Asâad el-Shuqeiri, a Muslim religious scholar and father of Palestine Liberation Organization chairman Ahmed Shuqeiri, took Jewish money for his land. Even King Abdullah leased land to the Jews.32 MYTH The British helped the Palestinians to live peacefully with the Jews. FACT In 1921, Haj Amin el-Husseini first began to organize fedayeen (âone who sacrifices himselfâ) to terrorize Jews. El-Husseini hoped to duplicate the success of Kemal AtatĂźrk in Turkey by driving the Jews out of Palestine just as Kemal had driven the invading Greeks from his country.33 Arab radicals gained influence because the British administration was unwilling to take effective action against them until they began a revolt against British rule. Colonel Richard Meinertzhagen, former head of British military intelligence in Cairo, and later chief political officer for Palestine and Syria, wrote in his diary that British officials âincline towards the exclusion of Zionism in Palestine.â The British encouraged the Palestinians to attack the Jews. According to Meinertzhagen, Col. Bertie Harry Waters-Taylor (financial adviser to the military administration in Palestine 1919â23) met with el-Husseini in 1920, a few days before Easter, and told him that âhe had a great opportunity at Easter to show the worldâŚthat Zionism was unpopular not only with the Palestine administration but in Whitehall.â He added that âif disturbances of sufficient violence occurred in Jerusalem at Easter, both General [Louis] Bols [chief administrator in Palestine, 1919â20] and General [Edmund] Allenby [commander of the Egyptian force, 1917â19, then high commissioner of Egypt] would advocate the abandonment of the Jewish Home. Waters-Taylor explained that freedom could only be attained through violence.â34 El-Husseini took the colonelâs advice and instigated a riot. The British withdrew their troops and the Jewish police from Jerusalem, allowing the Arab mob to attack Jews and loot their shops. Because of el-Husseiniâs overt role in instigating the pogrom, the British decided to arrest him. He escaped, however, and was sentenced to ten years in absentia. A year later, some British Arabists convinced High Commissioner Herbert Samuel to pardon el-Husseini and to appoint him Mufti (a cleric in charge of Jerusalemâs Islamic holy places). By contrast, Vladimir Jabotinsky and several followers, who had formed a Jewish defense organization during the unrest, were sentenced to 15 years. They were released a few months later.35 Samuel met with el-Husseini on April 11, 1921, and was assured âthat the influences of his family and himself would be devoted to tranquility.â Three weeks later, riots in Jaffa and elsewhere left forty-three Jews dead.36 El-Husseini consolidated his power and took control of all Muslim religious funds in Palestine. He used his authority to gain control over the mosques, the schools, and the courts. No Arab could reach an influential position without being loyal to the Mufti. His power was so absolute that âno Muslim in Palestine could be born or die without being beholden to Haj Amin.â37 The Muftiâs henchmen also ensured he would have no opposition by systematically killing Palestinians who discussed cooperation with the Jews from rival clans. As the spokesman for Palestinian Arabs, el-Husseini did not ask that Britain grant them independence. On the contrary, in a letter to Churchill in 1921, he demanded that Palestine be reunited with Syria and Transjordan.38 The Arabs found rioting an effective political tool because of the lax British response toward violence against Jews. In handling each riot, the British prevented Jews from protecting themselves but made little effort to prevent the Arabs from attacking them. After each outbreak, a British commission of inquiry would try to establish the cause of the violence. The conclusion was always the same: The Arabs feared being displaced by the Jews. To stop the rioting, the commissions would recommend that restrictions be placed on Jewish immigration. Thus, the Arabs learned they could always stop the influx of Jews by staging riots. This cycle began after a series of riots in May 1921. After failing to protect the Jewish community from Arab mobs, the British appointed the Haycraft Commission to investigate the cause of the violence. Although the panel concluded the Arabs had been the aggressors, it rationalized the cause of the attack: âThe fundamental cause of the riots was a feeling among the Arabs of discontent with, and hostility to, the Jews, due to political and economic causes, and connected with Jewish immigration, and with their conception of Zionist policy.â39 One consequence of the violence was the institution of a temporary ban on Jewish immigration. The Arab fear of being âdisplacedâ or âdominatedâ was an excuse for their attacks on Jewish settlers. Note, too, that these riots were not inspired by nationalistic fervorânationalists would have rebelled against their British overlordsâthey were motivated by economics, the radical Islamic views of the Mufti, and misunderstanding. In 1929, Arab provocateurs convinced the masses that the Jews had designs on the Temple Mount (a tactic still used today to incite violence). A Jewish religious observance at the Western Wall, which forms a part of the Temple Mount, served as a pretext for rioting by Arabs against Jews, which spilled out of Jerusalem into other villages and towns, including Safed and Hebron. Again, the British administration made no effort to prevent the violence, and, after it began, the British did nothing to protect the Jewish population. After six days of mayhem, the British finally brought troops in to quell the disturbance. By this time, most of Hebronâs Jews had fled or been killed. In all, 133 Jews were killed and 399 wounded in the pogroms.40 After the riots, the British ordered an investigation, resulting in the Passfield White Paper. It said the âimmigration, land purchase and settlement policies of the Zionist Organization were already or were likely to become, prejudicial to Arab interests. It understood the mandatory governmentâs obligation to the non-Jewish community to mean that Palestineâs resources must be primarily reserved for the growing Arab economy.â41 This meant it was necessary to restrict Jewish immigration and land purchases. MYTH The Mufti was not a Nazi collaborator. FACT In 1941, Haj Amin al-Husseini, the Mufti of Jerusalem, fled to Germany and met with Adolf Hitler, Heinrich Himmler, Joachim Von Ribbentrop, and other Nazi leaders. He wanted to persuade them to extend the Nazisâ anti-Jewish program to the Arab world. The Mufti sent Hitler fifteen drafts of declarations he wanted Germany and Italy to make concerning the Middle East. One called on the two countries to declare the illegality of the Jewish home in Palestine. He also asked the Axis powers to âaccord to Palestine and to other Arab countries the right to solve the problem of the Jewish elements in Palestine and other Arab countries in accordance with the interest of the Arabs, and by the same method that the question is now being settled in the Axis countries.â42 In November 1941, the Mufti met with Hitler, who told him the Jews were his foremost enemy. The Nazi dictator rebuffed the Muftiâs requests for a declaration in support of the Arabs, however, telling him the time was not right. The Mufti offered Hitler his âthanks for the sympathy which he had always shown for the Arab and especially Palestinian cause, and to which he had given clear expression in his public speeches.â He added, âThe Arabs were Germanyâs natural friends because they had the same enemies as had Germany, namelyâŚthe Jews.â Hitler told the Mufti he opposed the creation of a Jewish state and that Germanyâs objective was destroying the Jewish element in the Arab sphere.43 In 1945, Yugoslavia sought to indict the Mufti as a war criminal for his role in recruiting twenty thousand Muslim volunteers for the SS, who participated in the killing of Jews in Croatia and Hungary. He escaped French detention in 1946, however, and continued his fight against the Jews from Cairo and later Beirut where he died in 1974. MYTH The bombing of the King David Hotel was part of a deliberate terror campaign against civilians. FACT British troops seized the Jewish Agency compound on June 29, 1946, and confiscated large quantities of documents. At about the same time, more than 2,500 Jews from all over Palestine were arrested. A week later, news of a massacre of 40 Jews in a pogrom in Poland reminded the Jews of Palestine how Britainâs restrictive immigration policy had condemned thousands to death. In response to the British provocations, and a desire to demonstrate that the Jewsâ spirit could not be broken, the United Resistance Movement planned to bomb the King David Hotel, which housed the British military command and the Criminal Investigation Division in addition to hotel guests. The Haganah pulled out of the plot and left it up to the Irgun. Irgun leader Menachem Begin stressed his desire to avoid civilian casualties and the plan was to warn the British so they would evacuate the building before it was blown up. Three telephone calls were placed on July 22, 1946, one to the hotel, another to the French Consulate, and a third to the Palestine Post warning that explosives in the King David Hotel would soon be detonated. The call to the hotel was received and ignored. Begin quotes one British official who supposedly refused to evacuate the building, saying, âWe donât take orders from the Jews.â44 As a result, when the bombs exploded, the casualty toll was high: 91 killed and 45 injured. Among the casualties were 15 Jews. Few people in the main part of the hotel were injured.45 For decades, the British denied they had been warned. In 1979, however, a member of the British Parliament provided the testimony of a British officer who heard other officers in the King David Hotel bar joking about a Zionist threat to the headquarters. The officer who overheard the conversation immediately left the hotel and survived.46 In contrast to Arab attacks against Jews, which Arab leaders hailed as heroic actions, the Jewish National Council denounced the bombing of the King David.47 1 Aharon Cohen, Israel and the Arab World, (NY: Funk and Wagnalls, 1970), p. 172