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culture - dialogues
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Alexander Hamilton, a key figure in the founding of the United States, served as the first Secretary of the Treasury under President George Washington. Aaron Burr, on the other hand, was the sitting Vice President under Thomas Jefferson at the time of the duel. The animosity between Hamilton and Burr was well-documented, stemming from political disagreements and personal slights over the years. The Duel Date and Location: The duel took place on July 11, 1804, in Weehawken, New Jersey, a common site for duels due to its less strict enforcement of anti-dueling laws compared to New York. Cause: The immediate cause of the duel was a series of letters and meetings between intermediaries after Hamilton allegedly insulted Burr at a dinner, which was later reported in a newspaper. Burr demanded an apology; Hamilton refused, leading to the challenge. The Event: On the morning of the duel, both men, along with their seconds and a doctor, rowed across the Hudson River to the dueling ground. The exact events are a matter of historical debate, but it is generally believed that Hamilton fired his shot into the air, adhering to a principle of honor without intent to kill. Burr, however, aimed directly at Hamilton, hitting him in the abdomen. Outcome: Hamilton was severely wounded and transported back to New York City, where he died the following day, surrounded by family and friends5. Aftermath Public Reaction: The news of Hamilton's death caused widespread grief and indignation. Angelica Schuyler Church, Hamilton's sister-in-law, expressed the communal sorrow in a letter, highlighting the shock and consternation that gripped the town5. Impact on Burr: Although Burr was never tried for the duel, his political career suffered greatly. He became a pariah in many circles and faced various legal and financial troubles in the years that followed. Historical Significance: The duel is often cited as a turning point in American political culture, highlighting the dangers of political rivalry and the need for civility in discourse. Conclusion The duel between Alexander Hamilton and Aaron Burr remains a poignant reminder of the intense personal and political conflicts that shaped the early years of the United States. It underscores the tragic potential of unchecked animosity and the importance of reconciliation and dialogue in a democratic society.When it was his turn to speak, Adam Malik, Presidium Minister for Political Affairs and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Indonesia, recalled that about a year before, in Bangkok, at the conclusion of the peace talks between Indonesia and Malaysia, he had explored the idea of an organization such as ASEAN with his Malaysian and Thai counterparts. One of the “angry young men” in his country’s struggle for independence two decades earlier, Adam Malik was then 50 years old and one of a Presidium of five led by then General Soeharto that was steering Indonesia from the verge of economic and political chaos. He was the Presidium’s point man in Indonesia’s efforts to mend fences with its neighbors in the wake of an unfortunate policy of confrontation. During the past year, he said, the Ministers had all worked together toward the realization of the ASEAN idea, “making haste slowly, in order to build a new association for regional cooperation.” Adam Malik went on to describe Indonesia’s vision of a Southeast Asia developing into “a region which can stand on its own feet, strong enough to defend itself against any negative influence from outside the region.” Such a vision, he stressed, was not wishful thinking, if the countries of the region effectively cooperated with each other, considering their combined natural resources and manpower. He referred to differences of outlook among the member countries, but those differences, he said, would be overcome through a maximum of goodwill and understanding, faith and realism. Hard work, patience and perseverance, he added, would also be necessary. The countries of Southeast Asia should also be willing to take responsibility for whatever happens to them, according to Tun Abdul Razak, the Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia, who spoke next. In his speech, he conjured a vision of an ASEAN that would include all the countries of Southeast Asia. Tun Abdul Razak was then concurrently his country’s Minister of Defence and Minister of National Development. It was a time when national survival was the overriding thrust of Malaysia’s relations with other nations and so as Minister of Defence, he was in charge of his country’s foreign affairs. He stressed that the countries of the region should recognize that unless they assumed their common responsibility to shape their own destiny and to prevent external intervention and interference, Southeast Asia would remain fraught with danger and tension. And unless they took decisive and collective action to prevent the eruption of intra-regional conflicts, the nations of Southeast Asia would remain susceptible to manipulation, one against another. “We the nations and peoples of Southeast Asia,” Tun Abdul Razak said, “must get together and form by ourselves a new perspective and a new framework for our region. It is important that individually and jointly we should create a deep awareness that we cannot survive for long as independent but isolated peoples unless we also think and act together and unless we prove by deeds that we belong to a family of Southeast Asian nations bound together by ties of friendship and goodwill and imbued with our own ideals and aspirations and determined to shape our own destiny”. He added that, “with the establishment of ASEAN, we have taken a firm and a bold step on that road”. For his part, S. Rajaratnam, a former Minister of Culture of multi-cultural Singapore who, at that time, served as its first Foreign Minister, noted that two decades of nationalist fervor had not fulfilled the expectations of the people of Southeast Asia for better living standards. If ASEAN would succeed, he said, then its members would have to marry national thinking with regional thinking. “We must now think at two levels,” Rajaratnam said. “We must think not only of our national interests but posit them against regional interests: that is a new way of thinking about our problems. And these are two different things and sometimes they can conflict. Secondly, we must also accept the fact, if we are really serious about it, that regional existence means painful adjustments to those practices and thinking in our respective countries. We must make these painful and difficult adjustments. If we are not going to do that, then regionalism remains a utopia.” S. Rajaratnam expressed the fear, however, that ASEAN would be misunderstood. “We are not against anything”, he said, “not against anybody”. And here he used a term that would have an ominous ring even today: balkanization. In Southeast Asia, as in Europe and any part of the world, he said, outside powers had a vested interest in the balkanization of the region. “We want to ensure,” he said, “a stable Southeast Asia, not a balkanized Southeast Asia. And those countries who are interested, genuinely interested, in the stability of Southeast Asia, the prosperity of Southeast Asia, and better economic and social conditions, will welcome small countries getting together to pool their collective resources and their collective wisdom to contribute to the peace of the world.” The goal of ASEAN, then, is to create, not to destroy. This, the Foreign Minister of Thailand, Thanat Khoman, stressed when it was his turn to speak. At a time when the Vietnam conflict was raging and American forces seemed forever entrenched in Indochina, he had foreseen their eventual withdrawal from the area and had accordingly applied himself to adjusting Thailand’s foreign policy to a reality that would only become apparent more than half a decade later. He must have had that in mind when, on that occasion, he said that the countries of Southeast Asia had no choice but to adjust to the exigencies of the time, to move toward closer cooperation and even integration. Elaborating on ASEAN objectives, he spoke of “building a new society that will be responsive to the needs of our time and efficiently equipped to bring about, for the enjoyment and the material as well as spiritual advancement of our peoples, conditions of stability and progress. Particularly what millions of men and women in our part of the world want is to erase the old and obsolete concept of domination and subjection of the past and replace it with the new spirit of give and take, of equality and partnership. More than anything else, they want to be master of their own house and to enjoy the inherent right to decide their own destiny …” While the nations of Southeast Asia prevent attempts to deprive them of their freedom and sovereignty, he said, they must first free themselves from the material impediments of ignorance, disease and hunger. Each of these nations cannot accomplish that alone, but by joining together and cooperating with those who have the same aspirations, these objectives become easier to attain. Then Thanat Khoman concluded: “What we have decided today is only a small beginning of what we hope will be a long and continuous sequence of accomplishments of which we ourselves, those who will join us later and the generations to come, can be proud. Let it be for Southeast Asia, a potentially rich region, rich in history, in spiritual as well as material resources and indeed for the whole ancient continent of Asia, the light of happiness and well-being that will shine over the uncounted millions of our struggling peoples.” The Foreign Minister of Thailand closed the inaugural session of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations by presenting each of his colleagues with a memento. Inscribed on the memento presented to the Foreign Minister of Indonesia, was the citation, “In recognition of services rendered by His Excellency Adam Malik to the ASEAN organization, the name of which was suggested by him.” And that was how ASEAN was conceived, given a name, and born. It had been barely 14 months since Thanat Khoman brought up the ASEAN idea in his conversations with his Malaysian and Indonesian colleagues. In about three more weeks, Indonesia would fully restore diplomatic relations with Malaysia, and soon after that with Singapore. That was by no means the end to intra-ASEAN disputes, for soon the Philippines and Malaysia would have a falling out on the issue of sovereignty over Sabah. Many disputes between ASEAN countries persist to this day. But all Member Countries are deeply committed to resolving their differences through peaceful means and in the spirit of mutual accommodation. Every dispute would have its proper season but it would not be allowed to get in the way of the task at hand. And at that time, the essential task was to lay the framework of regional dialogue and cooperation. The two-page Bangkok Declaration not only contains the rationale for the establishment of ASEAN and its specific objectives. It represents the organization’s modus operandi of building on small steps, voluntary, and informal arrangements towards more binding and institutionalized agreements. All the founding member states and the newer members have stood fast to the spirit of the Bangkok Declaration. Over the years, ASEAN has progressively entered into several formal and legally-binding instruments, such as the 1976 Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia and the 1995 Treaty on the Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone. Against the backdrop of conflict in the then Indochina, the Founding Fathers had the foresight of building a community of and for all Southeast Asian states. Thus the Bangkok Declaration promulgated that “the Association is open for participation to all States in the Southeast Asian region subscribing to the aforementioned aims, principles and purposes.” ASEAN’s inclusive outlook has paved the way for community-building not only in Southeast Asia, but also in the broader Asia Pacific region where several other inter-governmental organizations now co-exist. The original ASEAN logo presented five brown sheaves of rice stalks, one for each founding member. Beneath the sheaves is the legend “ASEAN” in blue. These are set on a field of yellow encircled by a blue border. Brown stands for strength and stability, yellow for prosperity and blue for the spirit of cordiality in which ASEAN affairs are conducted. When ASEAN celebrated its 30th Anniversary in 1997, the sheaves on the logo had increased to ten – representing all ten countries of Southeast Asia and reflecting the colors of the flags of all of them. In a very real sense, ASEAN and Southeast Asia would then be one and the same, just as the Founding Fathers had envisioned. This article is based on the first chapter of ASEAN at 30, a publication of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in commemoration of its 30th Anniversary on 8 August 1997, written by Jamil Maidan Flores and Jun Abad.Earlier in 2019 there was a lot of femicide uh girls being killed by their boyfriends because they did one or two things there are also cultures of if there is violence in terms of a marital relationship that that is fine if there's a marital rape that that is fine so you find such situations being normalized and it being also a taboo to speak about those issues the 2030 agenda for sustainable development is grounded in respect for human rights and the power of people to change the world every individual on the planet has the right to health and well-being in all aspects of their sexuality their body and their reproductive choices ensuring these rights is integral to addressing poverty education violence against women and gender equality sexual and reproductive health rights are agreed in international law they were fought for by courageous women's rights activists and advocates across a broad range of professional fields and frontline experiences by movements of all ages levels and backgrounds they are still being fought for while progress has been made globally many barriers remain especially for those most marginalized excluded or discriminated against human rights are central to delivering the 17 sustainable development goals in the sustainable development agenda indeed each sdg target is simultaneously a metric and a claim for human rights the interplay between these political commitments and human rights obligations is particularly important when it comes to achieving sexual and reproductive health rights for decades human rights-based tactics have been used to drive progress in this episode of right to a better world experts share challenges they have faced and tactics they have used to address them the challenges they describe occur in settings all around the world the strategies used are ones that they have found to be successful in their own settings viewers are encouraged to learn from these experiences and consider how tactics could be adapted to their own context when sexual and reproductive health begins with equality the discussions decisions programs and policies which follow can build towards a future where every individual is not only born free but lives free and equal in dignity and rights without violence or discrimination the time to take action is now violence against women is any act that results in or is likely to result in physical sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women this includes threats of such acts coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty in public or private life it happens everywhere in every country in the home in communities at work and at school crises including health and humanitarian crises frequently contribute to higher rates of violence against women violence against women is directed at women because of their status as women the consequences are dire jeopardizing women's health including sexual and reproductive health and mental health hampering their ability to participate fully in society causing tremendous physical and psychological suffering for both women and their children the majority of women survivors of violence do not disclose or seek any type of services efforts to address violence against women must recognize the many different contexts in which it occurs and the many different forms it can take the majority of violence against women is committed by an intimate partner her current or previous boyfriend or husband globally around 30 of women have experienced physical and or sexual violence by an intimate partner in their lifetime this increases the risk of acquiring an sti or in some regions hiv by 1.5 fold when a woman is experiencing violence especially from her partner she's really unable to keep safe from hiv men have power to decide how when and where sex should be done and the woman is at risk of being infected because she cannot say no schools are another setting where violence against girls can take place assault and harassment during their commute bullying sexual harassment and mental or physical abuse on school property are all challenges across various country contexts this has a direct impact on girls access to inclusive quality education a target of sdg4 and an indirect impact on many of their other human rights young girls are taking advantage of at a very young age and they do not understand the choices and the avenues whereby they can exercise their rights when it comes to sexual productive health and rights and so you find a lot of dropouts and a lot of girls also going through a lot of traumatic experiences that would be avoided if they had guidance promoting a safe and secure working environment for all is a cornerstone of sdg 8. this includes a workplace free from sexual harassment and violence but for many women especially women migrant workers and others in precarious employment this is far from reality so we went to naivasha which is a flower farm and we've met the informal workers the casual liberals working for the flower farms when for example the sexual violence cases are reported companies don't take them very seriously a wide range of tactics have been used to prevent and address violence against women and girls and to recognize it as a fundamental violation of human rights prevention of intimate partner violence is possible when interventions are informed by evidence of what works we started out by describing the problem we've now moved to research on what works what are the kinds of interventions that are successful both for preventing the problem from happening in the first place and also from interventions to respond the respect women framework on preventing violence against women developed by the who un women ohchr and other international agencies promotes seven strategies which focus on relationship skills strengthening empowerment of women services for health justice police and social sector poverty reduction environments made safer including schools workplaces and public spaces child and adolescence abuse prevented and transformation of gender attitudes beliefs and norms this action-oriented framework can enable policy makers and health implementers to design plan implement monitor and evaluate interventions and programs to prevent violence against women we have come a long way for sure we still have some ways to go and we need to do more to stop this violence from happening in the first place this involves addressing the social norms that still prevail in many settings that make this form of violence acceptable women are not exposed to gender-based violence by accident all because of an inbuilt vulnerability violence against women is rooted in discriminatory social norms and power dynamics dismantling these underlying causes of violence against women and girls is at the heart of achieving gender equality and empowering all women and girls as set out in the targets and indicators of sdg 5 ensuring healthy lives in sdg3 and reducing inequalities in sdg 10. women and men are valued differently society has heap privileges on the men while the women are looked at as subordinate power is not only the problem but also the solution to preventing violence against women we are making it personal everyone connects with power every day people living with power or grappling with power they find themselves within this whole conversation if you're working to create gnome change there has to be change at all levels strategies to raise awareness in communities about violence against women and girls are critical as there is still a lot of stigma and shame which inhibits many women and girls from talking about it intervention is like a big complicated word sometimes it's just about talking about dialogue i mean the fact that we went into schools and just began a conversation with parents um bringing them together in the school along with the school personnel and then having the conversation start from there and we also sort of train providers within schools to appropriately refer children to health facilities for care what we found was that this dialogue began to spark other conversations in the community and i guess they just felt that oh it's actually okay to talk about this openly rather than pretend that nothing is going on sassa is a community mobilization approach to prevent violence against women and hiv and aids it is activist led it's not workshop heavy based it comes away from the traditional programming of organizations going to do things themselves instead they support activists who do the activities with their friends and neighbors health systems play a critical role in responding to violence wherever it occurs supporting health workers to respond appropriately to violence as well as ensuring their work environment enables them to provide safe effective and quality survivor centred care are important strategies for better addressing violence against women and girls um we came to learn not to ask direct questions not to give our opinion or our judgment on them and let her speak and once with that flow starts once that connection is established that doctor-patient relationship emotionally is established she will actually tell you the whole history legal frameworks to promote enforce and monitor equality and non-discrimination on the basis of sex are an important sdg 5 indicator but putting laws in place does not automatically make them effective there are existing protections for women in the workplace or for individuals in the workplace in relation to harassment but we know from our call for evidence that they are not actually addressing the problem the recommendations that we developed included government implementing a mandatory duty for employers to take preventative steps to address harassment in the workplace so what we would like to see is government implement a much stronger legislative duty it has taken decades of struggle by the women's rights movement to persuade the international community to view violence against women as a human rights concern and a sustainable development priority not a private matter governments have obligations to respect protect and fulfill the right to a life free of violence and to provide for sanctions when they fail when seeking accountability the priority consideration must always be the safety and well-being of survivors respecting their wishes and autonomy and supporting them to make informed choices about the type of justice they want context is vitally important there are many strategies to hold perpetrators accountable including strategic litigation and public campaigns when the teachers impregnate the girls that means the system has failed and okay what they do is they blacklist the teachers and they are always removed from the payroll but we think that is not enough the case that was quite interesting is where one of the judges she did find a ruling against the teacher service commission the commission that is responsible for hiring teachers asking them that they must take responsibility and they were ordered to pay compensation to the girls who had gotten pregnant while in school the justice police issue came about a few years back when a young girl was raped and the punishment for her being ripped was that harappa she was gang-ripped and therapists were told to slash grass feminist organizations and young women organizations came back to the police and the police commissioner to ask and request that the people who are found to be perpetrators should be punished according to our constitution and according to the laws of the land and those are very big campaigns to get better justice so consequently they were jailed but also it was a sign that the system the police system had to be checked in terms of when someone reports a case any case of violence what happens and how is it followed through the maria pedra is another example of litigation that became a political mobilizer so this was a case from the inter-american commission that really galvanized a change in public policy a huge change because it was a case that addressed gender-based violence intimate partner violence it called on responsibility of brazil also for not having prevented this kind of violence the reality of a case that says you have the right to not be bruised you have the right to be free of physical psychological violence it's powerful it can change women's lives investing in autonomous women's movements has been one of the most important drivers of changes in laws and policies to address violence against women over the past 40 years according to data from over 70 countries women organizing to advance women's status define the very concept of violence against women raised awareness of the issue and put it on national and global policy agendas often we thought that it takes generations or centuries to change working intensely with the communities we can actually see change coming violence against women and girls is a violation of fundamental human rights to life and to physical and psychological integrity not to be tortured or treated in an inhuman and degrading way to respect for private and family life and the right not to be discriminated against this understanding is more than theoretical human rights-based tactics can offer a practical route to addressing systemic challenges across all the circumstances where violence against women and girls occurs including but not limited to at the hands of their partners at school and in the workplace by using evidence-informed prevention strategies addressing power relations and social norms community mobilizing and dialogue supporting health systems and professionals putting in place strong legal frameworks accessing justice and ending impunity feminist organizing and mobilizing every individual can help to deliver the 2030 agenda for sustainable development building a world in which women and girls are free from all forms of violence and discrimination [Music] youCulture110.31.b.17.C Topic: Reading/Vocabulary DevelopmentSTAAR English II High School 2014 - Past Paper110.31.b.1.B