
Humanity 8 (P17-18-New)
Quiz by Trần Thị Hùynh Như
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In 1938, at the government-convened National Health Conference, organized labor emerged as a major proponent of legislation to guarantee universal health care in the United States. The American Medical Association, representing physicians’ interests, argued for preserving physicians’ free-market prerogatives. Labor activists countered these arguments by insisting that health care was a fundamental right that should be guaranteed by government programs.
The labor activists’ position represented a departure from the voluntarist view held until 1935 by leaders of the American Federation of labor (AFL), a leading affiliation of labor unions; the voluntarist view stressed workers’ right to freedom from government intrusions into their lives and represented national health insurance as a threat to workers’ privacy. AFL president Samuel Gompers, presuming to speak for all workers, had positioned the AFL as a leading opponent of the proposals for national health insurance that were advocated beginning in 1915 by the American Association for Labor Legislation (AALL), an organization dedicated to the study and reform of labor laws. Gompers’ opposition to national health insurance was partly principled, arising from the premise that governments under capitalism invariably served employers’, not workers’, interests. Gompers feared the probing of government bureaucrats into workers’ lives, as well as the possibility that government-mandated health insurance, financed in part by employers, could permit companies to require employee medical examinations that might be used to discharge disabled workers.
Yet the AFL’s voluntarism had accommodated certain exceptions: the AFL had supported government intervention on behalf of injured workers and child laborers. AFL officials drew the line at national health insurance, however, partly out of concern for their own power. The fact that AFL outsiders such as the AALL had taken the most prominent advocacy roles antagonized Gompers. That this reform threatened union-sponsored benefit programs championed by Gompers made national health insurance even more objectionable.
Indeed, the AFL leadership did face serious organizational divisions. Many unionists, recognizing that union-run health programs covered only a small fraction of union members and that unions represented only a fraction of the nation’s workforce, worked to enact compulsory health insurance in their state legislatures. This activism and the views underlying it came to prevail in the United States labor movement and in 1935 the AFL unequivocally reversed its position on health legislation.
The passage suggests which of the following about the voluntarist view held by leaders of the AFL regarding health care?
In 1938, at the government-convened National Health Conference, organized labor emerged as a major proponent of legislation to guarantee universal health care in the United States. The American Medical Association, representing physicians’ interests, argued for preserving physicians’ free-market prerogatives. Labor activists countered these arguments by insisting that health care was a fundamental right that should be guaranteed by government programs.
The labor activists’ position represented a departure from the voluntarist view held until 1935 by leaders of the American Federation of labor (AFL), a leading affiliation of labor unions; the voluntarist view stressed workers’ right to freedom from government intrusions into their lives and represented national health insurance as a threat to workers’ privacy. AFL president Samuel Gompers, presuming to speak for all workers, had positioned the AFL as a leading opponent of the proposals for national health insurance that were advocated beginning in 1915 by the American Association for Labor Legislation (AALL), an organization dedicated to the study and reform of labor laws. Gompers’ opposition to national health insurance was partly principled, arising from the premise that governments under capitalism invariably served employers’, not workers’, interests. Gompers feared the probing of government bureaucrats into workers’ lives, as well as the possibility that government-mandated health insurance, financed in part by employers, could permit companies to require employee medical examinations that might be used to discharge disabled workers.
Yet the AFL’s voluntarism had accommodated certain exceptions: the AFL had supported government intervention on behalf of injured workers and child laborers. AFL officials drew the line at national health insurance, however, partly out of concern for their own power. The fact that AFL outsiders such as the AALL had taken the most prominent advocacy roles antagonized Gompers. That this reform threatened union-sponsored benefit programs championed by Gompers made national health insurance even more objectionable.
Indeed, the AFL leadership did face serious organizational divisions. Many unionists, recognizing that union-run health programs covered only a small fraction of union members and that unions represented only a fraction of the nation’s workforce, worked to enact compulsory health insurance in their state legislatures. This activism and the views underlying it came to prevail in the United States labor movement and in 1935 the AFL unequivocally reversed its position on health legislation.
According to the passage, Gompers' objection to national health insurance was based in part on his belief that
In 1938, at the government-convened National Health Conference, organized labor emerged as a major proponent of legislation to guarantee universal health care in the United States. The American Medical Association, representing physicians’ interests, argued for preserving physicians’ free-market prerogatives. Labor activists countered these arguments by insisting that health care was a fundamental right that should be guaranteed by government programs.
The labor activists’ position represented a departure from the voluntarist view held until 1935 by leaders of the American Federation of labor (AFL), a leading affiliation of labor unions; the voluntarist view stressed workers’ right to freedom from government intrusions into their lives and represented national health insurance as a threat to workers’ privacy. AFL president Samuel Gompers, presuming to speak for all workers, had positioned the AFL as a leading opponent of the proposals for national health insurance that were advocated beginning in 1915 by the American Association for Labor Legislation (AALL), an organization dedicated to the study and reform of labor laws. Gompers’ opposition to national health insurance was partly principled, arising from the premise that governments under capitalism invariably served employers’, not workers’, interests. Gompers feared the probing of government bureaucrats into workers’ lives, as well as the possibility that government-mandated health insurance, financed in part by employers, could permit companies to require employee medical examinations that might be used to discharge disabled workers.
Yet the AFL’s voluntarism had accommodated certain exceptions: the AFL had supported government intervention on behalf of injured workers and child laborers. AFL officials drew the line at national health insurance, however, partly out of concern for their own power. The fact that AFL outsiders such as the AALL had taken the most prominent advocacy roles antagonized Gompers. That this reform threatened union-sponsored benefit programs championed by Gompers made national health insurance even more objectionable.
Indeed, the AFL leadership did face serious organizational divisions. Many unionists, recognizing that union-run health programs covered only a small fraction of union members and that unions represented only a fraction of the nation’s workforce, worked to enact compulsory health insurance in their state legislatures. This activism and the views underlying it came to prevail in the United States labor movement and in 1935 the AFL unequivocally reversed its position on health legislation.
Which of the following best describes the function of the sentence in lines 42-45 (“Yet … child laborers”)?
In 1938, at the government-convened National Health Conference, organized labor emerged as a major proponent of legislation to guarantee universal health care in the United States. The American Medical Association, representing physicians’ interests, argued for preserving physicians’ free-market prerogatives. Labor activists countered these arguments by insisting that health care was a fundamental right that should be guaranteed by government programs.
The labor activists’ position represented a departure from the voluntarist view held until 1935 by leaders of the American Federation of labor (AFL), a leading affiliation of labor unions; the voluntarist view stressed workers’ right to freedom from government intrusions into their lives and represented national health insurance as a threat to workers’ privacy. AFL president Samuel Gompers, presuming to speak for all workers, had positioned the AFL as a leading opponent of the proposals for national health insurance that were advocated beginning in 1915 by the American Association for Labor Legislation (AALL), an organization dedicated to the study and reform of labor laws. Gompers’ opposition to national health insurance was partly principled, arising from the premise that governments under capitalism invariably served employers’, not workers’, interests. Gompers feared the probing of government bureaucrats into workers’ lives, as well as the possibility that government-mandated health insurance, financed in part by employers, could permit companies to require employee medical examinations that might be used to discharge disabled workers.
Yet the AFL’s voluntarism had accommodated certain exceptions: the AFL had supported government intervention on behalf of injured workers and child laborers. AFL officials drew the line at national health insurance, however, partly out of concern for their own power. The fact that AFL outsiders such as the AALL had taken the most prominent advocacy roles antagonized Gompers. That this reform threatened union-sponsored benefit programs championed by Gompers made national health insurance even more objectionable.
Indeed, the AFL leadership did face serious organizational divisions. Many unionists, recognizing that union-run health programs covered only a small fraction of union members and that unions represented only a fraction of the nation’s workforce, worked to enact compulsory health insurance in their state legislatures. This activism and the views underlying it came to prevail in the United States labor movement and in 1935 the AFL unequivocally reversed its position on health legislation.
The primary purpose of this passage is to
Maps made by non-Native Americans to depict Native American land tenure, resources and population distributions appeared almost as early as Europeans' first encounters with Native Americans and took many form: missionaries' field sketches, explorers' drawings, and surveyors' maps, as well as maps rendered in connection with treaties involving land transfers. Most existing maps of Native American lands are reconstructions that are based largely on archaeology, oral reports, and evidence gathered from observers' accounts in letter, diaries, and official reports; accordingly, the accuracy of these maps is especially dependent on the mapmakers' own interpretive abilities.
Many existing maps also reflect the 150-year role of the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) in administering tribal lands. Though these maps incorporate some information gleaned directly from Native Americans, rarely has Native American cartography contributed to this official record, which has been compiled, surveyed, and authenticated by non-Native Americans. Thus our current cartographic record relating to Native American tribes and their migrations and cultural features, as well as territoriality and contemporary trust lands, reflects the origins of the data, the mixed purposes for which the maps have been prepared, and changes both in United States government policy and in non-Native Americans' attitudes toward an understanding of Native Americans.
Which of the following best describes the content of the passage?
Maps made by non-Native Americans to depict Native American land tenure, resources and population distributions appeared almost as early as Europeans' first encounters with Native Americans and took many form: missionaries' field sketches, explorers' drawings, and surveyors' maps, as well as maps rendered in connection with treaties involving land transfers. Most existing maps of Native American lands are reconstructions that are based largely on archaeology, oral reports, and evidence gathered from observers' accounts in letter, diaries, and official reports; accordingly, the accuracy of these maps is especially dependent on the mapmakers' own interpretive abilities.
Many existing maps also reflect the 150-year role of the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) in administering tribal lands. Though these maps incorporate some information gleaned directly from Native Americans, rarely has Native American cartography contributed to this official record, which has been compiled, surveyed, and authenticated by non-Native Americans. Thus our current cartographic record relating to Native American tribes and their migrations and cultural features, as well as territoriality and contemporary trust lands, reflects the origins of the data, the mixed purposes for which the maps have been prepared, and changes both in United States government policy and in non-Native Americans' attitudes toward an understanding of Native Americans.
The passage mentions each of the following as a factor affecting current maps of Native American lands EXCEPT
Maps made by non-Native Americans to depict Native American land tenure, resources and population distributions appeared almost as early as Europeans' first encounters with Native Americans and took many form: missionaries' field sketches, explorers' drawings, and surveyors' maps, as well as maps rendered in connection with treaties involving land transfers. Most existing maps of Native American lands are reconstructions that are based largely on archaeology, oral reports, and evidence gathered from observers' accounts in letter, diaries, and official reports; accordingly, the accuracy of these maps is especially dependent on the mapmakers' own interpretive abilities.
Many existing maps also reflect the 150-year role of the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) in administering tribal lands. Though these maps incorporate some information gleaned directly from Native Americans, rarely has Native American cartography contributed to this official record, which has been compiled, surveyed, and authenticated by non-Native Americans. Thus our current cartographic record relating to Native American tribes and their migrations and cultural features, as well as territoriality and contemporary trust lands, reflects the origins of the data, the mixed purposes for which the maps have been prepared, and changes both in United States government policy and in non-Native Americans' attitudes toward an understanding of Native Americans.
The passage suggests which of the following about most existing maps of Native American lands?
Maps made by non-Native Americans to depict Native American land tenure, resources and population distributions appeared almost as early as Europeans' first encounters with Native Americans and took many form: missionaries' field sketches, explorers' drawings, and surveyors' maps, as well as maps rendered in connection with treaties involving land transfers. Most existing maps of Native American lands are reconstructions that are based largely on archaeology, oral reports, and evidence gathered from observers' accounts in letter, diaries, and official reports; accordingly, the accuracy of these maps is especially dependent on the mapmakers' own interpretive abilities.
Many existing maps also reflect the 150-year role of the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) in administering tribal lands. Though these maps incorporate some information gleaned directly from Native Americans, rarely has Native American cartography contributed to this official record, which has been compiled, surveyed, and authenticated by non-Native Americans. Thus our current cartographic record relating to Native American tribes and their migrations and cultural features, as well as territoriality and contemporary trust lands, reflects the origins of the data, the mixed purposes for which the maps have been prepared, and changes both in United States government policy and in non-Native Americans' attitudes toward an understanding of Native Americans.
All of the following are examples of the type of evidence used in creating “Most existing maps” (line 7-8) EXCEPT
The progress of astronomy has always been closely associated with the development and application of mechanical processes and skill. Before the seventeenth century, the size of the planets could not be measured, the satellites of the planets except the Earth’s moon were unknown, the phases of Mercury and Venus were merely conjectured, and accurate positions of the sun, moon, and planets among the stars, and of the stars among themselves, were impossible all because there were no telescopes. More than a half century elapsed after the invention of the telescope before Picard combined it with a graduated circle in such a way that the measurement of angles was greatly improved. Then arose the necessity for accurate time. Although Galileo had learned the principles governing the pendulum, astronomy had to wait for the mechanical genius of Huygens before a satisfactory clock was invented around 1657.
Nearly all the large reflecting telescopes ever built were constructed by astronomers who possessed great facility in practical mechanics. The rapid and significant advances in nearly all departments of astronomy in the past century would not have been possible except through the skill and patience of glassmakers, opticians, and engineers. The principles of spectrum analysis as formulated by Kirchho allowed for the discovery of the elements composing every heavenly body. The deftness of Wollaston showed that light could not be analyzed unless it first passed through a very narrow slit. Even in our modern day the power of the telescope and spectroscope has been vastly extended by the optical skill and mechanical dexterity of individuals such as Rowland, Hastings and Brashear, all Americans. An observatory site should have a fairly unobstructed horizon, as much freedom from cloud as possible, good foundations for the instruments, and a very steady atmosphere. To understand the necessity of a steady atmosphere, look at some distant outdoor object through a window on a hot summer day. The object appears blurry and wavering. Similarly, currents of warm air continually rise from the earth to upper regions of the atmosphere, and colder air comes down and rushes underneath. Although these atmospheric movements are often invisible to the eye, their effect is plainly visible in the telescope as a blurry distortion. In order for an ideally-designed telescope to perform perfectly, it must be located in a perfect atmosphere. Otherwise its full power cannot be employed. All hindrances of atmosphere are most advantageously avoided in arid or desert regions of the globe, at elevations of 3000 to 10,000 feet above sea level. Higher mountains have as yet been only partially investigated, and it is not known whether difficulties of occupying them permanently would more than counterbalance the gain which greater elevation would afford.
According to the passage, which of the following is NOT true about the telescope?
The progress of astronomy has always been closely associated with the development and application of mechanical processes and skill. Before the seventeenth century, the size of the planets could not be measured, the satellites of the planets except the Earth’s moon were unknown, the phases of Mercury and Venus were merely conjectured, and accurate positions of the sun, moon, and planets among the stars, and of the stars among themselves, were impossible all because there were no telescopes. More than a half century elapsed after the invention of the telescope before Picard combined it with a graduated circle in such a way that the measurement of angles was greatly improved. Then arose the necessity for accurate time. Although Galileo had learned the principles governing the pendulum, astronomy had to wait for the mechanical genius of Huygens before a satisfactory clock was invented around 1657.
Nearly all the large reflecting telescopes ever built were constructed by astronomers who possessed great facility in practical mechanics. The rapid and significant advances in nearly all departments of astronomy in the past century would not have been possible except through the skill and patience of glassmakers, opticians, and engineers. The principles of spectrum analysis as formulated by Kirchho allowed for the discovery of the elements composing every heavenly body. The deftness of Wollaston showed that light could not be analyzed unless it first passed through a very narrow slit. Even in our modern day the power of the telescope and spectroscope has been vastly extended by the optical skill and mechanical dexterity of individuals such as Rowland, Hastings and Brashear, all Americans. An observatory site should have a fairly unobstructed horizon, as much freedom from cloud as possible, good foundations for the instruments, and a very steady atmosphere. To understand the necessity of a steady atmosphere, look at some distant outdoor object through a window on a hot summer day. The object appears blurry and wavering. Similarly, currents of warm air continually rise from the earth to upper regions of the atmosphere, and colder air comes down and rushes underneath. Although these atmospheric movements are often invisible to the eye, their effect is plainly visible in the telescope as a blurry distortion. In order for an ideally-designed telescope to perform perfectly, it must be located in a perfect atmosphere. Otherwise its full power cannot be employed. All hindrances of atmosphere are most advantageously avoided in arid or desert regions of the globe, at elevations of 3000 to 10,000 feet above sea level. Higher mountains have as yet been only partially investigated, and it is not known whether difficulties of occupying them permanently would more than counterbalance the gain which greater elevation would afford.
The primary purpose of this passage is to
The progress of astronomy has always been closely associated with the development and application of mechanical processes and skill. Before the seventeenth century, the size of the planets could not be measured, the satellites of the planets except the Earth’s moon were unknown, the phases of Mercury and Venus were merely conjectured, and accurate positions of the sun, moon, and planets among the stars, and of the stars among themselves, were impossible all because there were no telescopes. More than a half century elapsed after the invention of the telescope before Picard combined it with a graduated circle in such a way that the measurement of angles was greatly improved. Then arose the necessity for accurate time. Although Galileo had learned the principles governing the pendulum, astronomy had to wait for the mechanical genius of Huygens before a satisfactory clock was invented around 1657.
Nearly all the large reflecting telescopes ever built were constructed by astronomers who possessed great facility in practical mechanics. The rapid and significant advances in nearly all departments of astronomy in the past century would not have been possible except through the skill and patience of glassmakers, opticians, and engineers. The principles of spectrum analysis as formulated by Kirchho allowed for the discovery of the elements composing every heavenly body. The deftness of Wollaston showed that light could not be analyzed unless it first passed through a very narrow slit. Even in our modern day the power of the telescope and spectroscope has been vastly extended by the optical skill and mechanical dexterity of individuals such as Rowland, Hastings and Brashear, all Americans. An observatory site should have a fairly unobstructed horizon, as much freedom from cloud as possible, good foundations for the instruments, and a very steady atmosphere. To understand the necessity of a steady atmosphere, look at some distant outdoor object through a window on a hot summer day. The object appears blurry and wavering. Similarly, currents of warm air continually rise from the earth to upper regions of the atmosphere, and colder air comes down and rushes underneath. Although these atmospheric movements are often invisible to the eye, their effect is plainly visible in the telescope as a blurry distortion. In order for an ideally-designed telescope to perform perfectly, it must be located in a perfect atmosphere. Otherwise its full power cannot be employed. All hindrances of atmosphere are most advantageously avoided in arid or desert regions of the globe, at elevations of 3000 to 10,000 feet above sea level. Higher mountains have as yet been only partially investigated, and it is not known whether difficulties of occupying them permanently would more than counterbalance the gain which greater elevation would afford.
Which of the following is the function of the first paragraph?
The progress of astronomy has always been closely associated with the development and application of mechanical processes and skill. Before the seventeenth century, the size of the planets could not be measured, the satellites of the planets except the Earth’s moon were unknown, the phases of Mercury and Venus were merely conjectured, and accurate positions of the sun, moon, and planets among the stars, and of the stars among themselves, were impossible all because there were no telescopes. More than a half century elapsed after the invention of the telescope before Picard combined it with a graduated circle in such a way that the measurement of angles was greatly improved. Then arose the necessity for accurate time. Although Galileo had learned the principles governing the pendulum, astronomy had to wait for the mechanical genius of Huygens before a satisfactory clock was invented around 1657.
Nearly all the large reflecting telescopes ever built were constructed by astronomers who possessed great facility in practical mechanics. The rapid and significant advances in nearly all departments of astronomy in the past century would not have been possible except through the skill and patience of glassmakers, opticians, and engineers. The principles of spectrum analysis as formulated by Kirchho allowed for the discovery of the elements composing every heavenly body. The deftness of Wollaston showed that light could not be analyzed unless it first passed through a very narrow slit. Even in our modern day the power of the telescope and spectroscope has been vastly extended by the optical skill and mechanical dexterity of individuals such as Rowland, Hastings and Brashear, all Americans. An observatory site should have a fairly unobstructed horizon, as much freedom from cloud as possible, good foundations for the instruments, and a very steady atmosphere. To understand the necessity of a steady atmosphere, look at some distant outdoor object through a window on a hot summer day. The object appears blurry and wavering. Similarly, currents of warm air continually rise from the earth to upper regions of the atmosphere, and colder air comes down and rushes underneath. Although these atmospheric movements are often invisible to the eye, their effect is plainly visible in the telescope as a blurry distortion. In order for an ideally-designed telescope to perform perfectly, it must be located in a perfect atmosphere. Otherwise its full power cannot be employed. All hindrances of atmosphere are most advantageously avoided in arid or desert regions of the globe, at elevations of 3000 to 10,000 feet above sea level. Higher mountains have as yet been only partially investigated, and it is not known whether difficulties of occupying them permanently would more than counterbalance the gain which greater elevation would afford.
It can be inferred from the passage that